
The odds of the new suicide prevention action plan succeeding are slim to none
This post contains discussion of suicide: please take care. For a list of resources that can help if you or someone you know is feeling suicidal, see below.
When someone close to you dies by suicide, the space-time continuum cracks open. One moment, you're living your ordinary life; the next, you've been sucked into a vortex.
You replay the graphic details of their death over and over. You tell yourself that if you cycle through it one more time you might discover a glitch in the chaotic world system that could bring them back.
Soon enough the painful reality sinks in. They made a choice and they are not returning. In Aotearoa, a dark cloud descends and takes away more people each year than car accidents.
Psychiatrist and author Kay Redfield Jamison, in Night Falls Fast (1999), describes suicidal despair as a complete loss of hope accompanied by overwhelming psychological pain. People in this state believe that nothing will ever improve. They feel trapped, alone and unable to see any other options.
The aftermath of losing someone by suicide is fraught with flashbacks and self-questioning. It blows apart the layered veneers of your life. While you do eventually rebuild, one fragile piece at a time, you always carry with you two unanswerable questions:
1) Why did they do it?
2) Was there anything I could have done to stop it?
Over the course of my six decades of life, I have experienced more than my share of this aftermath personally and professionally.
In 1990, when my father was 56 years old, he killed himself. It was a cold, wet night in early June. He didn't leave a note, just a couple of TAB tickets with 'good tickets' scrawled on the back. (Yes we checked them. They were not winners.)
My father was a heavy drinker and a gambling man, a New Zealand Navy veteran who had joined up as a teenager just in time for dispatch to the Korean War. When he wasn't drinking, even on blue sky days he lay morosely on the couch in a darkened room, chain smoking Pall Mall filters and not speaking. Thirty-five years ago, men like my father did not talk about their feelings, let alone seek counselling. In many parts of Aotearoa, not much has changed.
When I was nine years old we lived in Te Awamutu and I attended the Catholic school there. (The Finn brothers did too but they are older than me.) That year two of my class mates lost their fathers to suicide.
In the 1990s a university friend died in a mental health ward shortly after her baby was born. Later that decade my former university lecturer, a person of immense talent took her own life, and two years ago my long-time friend Paula died in a suspected suicide.
As a counsellor, I have listened to many stories from people who have lost loved ones to suicide and from others who had either attempted to take their own life or seriously considered it.
Last week, the latest suicide prevention action plan was published. It looks similar to its predecessors with a few extra embellishments.
My father loved horse racing so I'll use his language: it's a rank outsider, the odds of winning are slim to none, and I'm not betting my money on it.
In 2008, MP Jim Anderton, whose daughter died by suicide, said: 'We are already fortunate in New Zealand to have people with a range of expertise who are committed to suicide prevention. And we have a variety of initiatives happening right now and contributing to suicide prevention across the country.'
Seventeen years later nothing has changed and suicide remains one of our most complex health and social issues.
Suicide is an emotive subject and it remains difficult to have open and transparent conversations about it. Media restrictions, a historical residue of whakama and sheer discomfort means bereaved people are often met with silence. I think the silence is the inability of many people to hold the horror and complexity of this kind of death. Alongside shock, grief and overwhelming sadness, there can also be anger and sometimes feelings of relief.
In the year ended June 30, 2024, just over 600 people died by suicide. If each had 50 people in their circle – whānau, friends, colleagues, classmates – then 30,000 people this year are carrying that loss and asking the same questions I did.
Why did they do it?
Was there anything I could have done to stop it?
If we want to reduce suicide rates in Aotearoa, we need to think beyond rehashed policies that paper over the cracks in our socioeconomic system. Community initiatives often flicker into life then burn out due to underfunding or exhaustion. In the 2000s, Rick Stevenson biked around the country as a part of his organisation Project Hope, launched after his son Mike's suicide. He wanted mental health education to be mandatory in all secondary schools.
I knew Mike. When I dropped out of high school and worked as a cook in a weed-spraying gang, Mike was part of the crew. He and I stayed up late drinking and dreaming up future selves. He was contemplative and intelligent, and his death cut short a future filled with possibilities.
If I gathered everyone I know who has died by suicide into a room, the only thing they'd have in common would be their self-inflicted death. One-size-fits-all prevention tactics won't work. A deeper, more nuanced approach is required.
Late last year I wrote about the community counselling centre in Marton, in the Southern Rangitīkei district where I work as a manager and counsellor. Oranga Tamariki, with which we had previously enjoyed a long relationship, responded to a mandate from government to cut its spending, and our funding – along with that of similar organisations – was slashed.
While the Counselling Centre is unlikely to be on the receiving end of funding from the new suicide prevention initiatives, there is no doubt that in our corner of rural Aotearoa we are stopping people taking their own lives.
We've been keeping accurate statistics for 26 years. Most of our clients are depressed. Over 50% are referred from local GP clinics and often the referral notes will say, 'Has suicidal thoughts but no plan to action.' We have on hand evaluations stating the counselling they received made a difference to their lives.
Although our organisation is small, it reflects the broader population of Aotearoa. Similar community-based initiatives exist across the country, doing critical preventative work in the mental health realm.
After my article was published, local National MP Suze Redmayne visited the centre. We drank coffee and talked and she appeared impressed by our service. She said she would chat with mental health minister Matt Doocey and maybe organise for him to visit us.
To date, I haven't heard from either of them. Repeated emails to Oranga Tamariki asking them to restore our funding have also gone unanswered. Our service is still running thanks to philanthropic community support but we have had to reduce our availability from five days a week to four.
The Auditor General's report released last month sharply criticised Oranga Tamariki's cuts, noting poor documentation, late decisions and inadequate understanding of the impact of the cuts on children and whanau. How can we have faith in a government that on one hand takes away proven preventative mental healthcare funding and on the other claims it can reduce something as complex as suicide rates?
While I strongly back therapeutic support, especially free counselling, I also take a broader sociological view of improving overall mental health and wellbeing. Suicide prevention isn't just a matter of services or slogans. It demands that we reckon with how we live – as individuals and as a society.
John Weaver's Sorrows of a Century: Interpreting Suicide in New Zealand (2014) is a powerful exploration of 12,000 coroners' reports from 1900–2000. He concludes that suicide must be understood within wider social forces: economic insecurity, war, illness, trauma. He advocates for 'deep prevention': long-term investment in meaningful employment, cradle-to-grave healthcare, and far-reaching education. He describes these ideas as 'utopian' but necessary, and emphasises extensive social action to improve lives before they slump into despair about the future.
Since the book's publication, new stressors have emerged: a devastating pandemic, runaway technology, climate crises, and the psychological burden of constant global violence. In Aotearoa, the cost of living has risen dramatically. The cost of renting even substandard accommodation is taking a huge portion of household income. Every day I walk past long lines of hungry people queueing for food at a local food rescue.
The government's suicide prevention plan also doesn't reflect on deeper holistic considerations – like our relationship to Papatūānuku.
Contemporary capitalist society has severed us from the whenua and desensitised us from knowing the deeper parts of ourselves which then impacts our relationships with each other. Many people I meet – not just clients – struggle to name what they are truly feeling or to even locate that feeling within their own body.
Capitalism demands our compliance and silence.
Even our bereavement policy – three days' leave – suggests a culture that minimises death and grief. How can you return to your workplace bereaved by any death, and especially suicide, after just three days?
To work with solutions for just an individual is pointless, and no plan, however well-meaning, will reduce suicide numbers if we are blind to the stresses of the socioeconomic and ecological environments where despair festers. As sociologist Alison Pugh writes, 'we are living through a crisis not just of loneliness but of human invisibility'.
I haven't lost hope. Not because of any single plan, but because of the people I meet each day doing their best to heal and create fulfilling lives for themselves and their whanau.
This is where suicide prevention truly lives – not in glossy plans, policies and shallow governmental rhetoric, but in community, care and the slow, quiet work of rebuilding what we've lost.
TAUTOKO Suicide Crisis Helpline – 0508 828 865
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The Spinoff
5 days ago
- The Spinoff
The odds of the new suicide prevention action plan succeeding are slim to none
To truly reduce suicide rates in Aotearoa, we need to think beyond rehashed policies and one-size-fits-all prevention tactics, writes counsellor Anna Sophia. This post contains discussion of suicide: please take care. For a list of resources that can help if you or someone you know is feeling suicidal, see below. When someone close to you dies by suicide, the space-time continuum cracks open. One moment, you're living your ordinary life; the next, you've been sucked into a vortex. You replay the graphic details of their death over and over. You tell yourself that if you cycle through it one more time you might discover a glitch in the chaotic world system that could bring them back. Soon enough the painful reality sinks in. They made a choice and they are not returning. In Aotearoa, a dark cloud descends and takes away more people each year than car accidents. Psychiatrist and author Kay Redfield Jamison, in Night Falls Fast (1999), describes suicidal despair as a complete loss of hope accompanied by overwhelming psychological pain. People in this state believe that nothing will ever improve. They feel trapped, alone and unable to see any other options. The aftermath of losing someone by suicide is fraught with flashbacks and self-questioning. It blows apart the layered veneers of your life. While you do eventually rebuild, one fragile piece at a time, you always carry with you two unanswerable questions: 1) Why did they do it? 2) Was there anything I could have done to stop it? Over the course of my six decades of life, I have experienced more than my share of this aftermath personally and professionally. In 1990, when my father was 56 years old, he killed himself. It was a cold, wet night in early June. He didn't leave a note, just a couple of TAB tickets with 'good tickets' scrawled on the back. (Yes we checked them. They were not winners.) My father was a heavy drinker and a gambling man, a New Zealand Navy veteran who had joined up as a teenager just in time for dispatch to the Korean War. When he wasn't drinking, even on blue sky days he lay morosely on the couch in a darkened room, chain smoking Pall Mall filters and not speaking. Thirty-five years ago, men like my father did not talk about their feelings, let alone seek counselling. In many parts of Aotearoa, not much has changed. When I was nine years old we lived in Te Awamutu and I attended the Catholic school there. (The Finn brothers did too but they are older than me.) That year two of my class mates lost their fathers to suicide. In the 1990s a university friend died in a mental health ward shortly after her baby was born. Later that decade my former university lecturer, a person of immense talent took her own life, and two years ago my long-time friend Paula died in a suspected suicide. As a counsellor, I have listened to many stories from people who have lost loved ones to suicide and from others who had either attempted to take their own life or seriously considered it. Last week, the latest suicide prevention action plan was published. It looks similar to its predecessors with a few extra embellishments. My father loved horse racing so I'll use his language: it's a rank outsider, the odds of winning are slim to none, and I'm not betting my money on it. In 2008, MP Jim Anderton, whose daughter died by suicide, said: 'We are already fortunate in New Zealand to have people with a range of expertise who are committed to suicide prevention. And we have a variety of initiatives happening right now and contributing to suicide prevention across the country.' Seventeen years later nothing has changed and suicide remains one of our most complex health and social issues. Suicide is an emotive subject and it remains difficult to have open and transparent conversations about it. Media restrictions, a historical residue of whakama and sheer discomfort means bereaved people are often met with silence. I think the silence is the inability of many people to hold the horror and complexity of this kind of death. Alongside shock, grief and overwhelming sadness, there can also be anger and sometimes feelings of relief. In the year ended June 30, 2024, just over 600 people died by suicide. If each had 50 people in their circle – whānau, friends, colleagues, classmates – then 30,000 people this year are carrying that loss and asking the same questions I did. Why did they do it? Was there anything I could have done to stop it? If we want to reduce suicide rates in Aotearoa, we need to think beyond rehashed policies that paper over the cracks in our socioeconomic system. Community initiatives often flicker into life then burn out due to underfunding or exhaustion. In the 2000s, Rick Stevenson biked around the country as a part of his organisation Project Hope, launched after his son Mike's suicide. He wanted mental health education to be mandatory in all secondary schools. I knew Mike. When I dropped out of high school and worked as a cook in a weed-spraying gang, Mike was part of the crew. He and I stayed up late drinking and dreaming up future selves. He was contemplative and intelligent, and his death cut short a future filled with possibilities. If I gathered everyone I know who has died by suicide into a room, the only thing they'd have in common would be their self-inflicted death. One-size-fits-all prevention tactics won't work. A deeper, more nuanced approach is required. Late last year I wrote about the community counselling centre in Marton, in the Southern Rangitīkei district where I work as a manager and counsellor. Oranga Tamariki, with which we had previously enjoyed a long relationship, responded to a mandate from government to cut its spending, and our funding – along with that of similar organisations – was slashed. While the Counselling Centre is unlikely to be on the receiving end of funding from the new suicide prevention initiatives, there is no doubt that in our corner of rural Aotearoa we are stopping people taking their own lives. We've been keeping accurate statistics for 26 years. Most of our clients are depressed. Over 50% are referred from local GP clinics and often the referral notes will say, 'Has suicidal thoughts but no plan to action.' We have on hand evaluations stating the counselling they received made a difference to their lives. Although our organisation is small, it reflects the broader population of Aotearoa. Similar community-based initiatives exist across the country, doing critical preventative work in the mental health realm. After my article was published, local National MP Suze Redmayne visited the centre. We drank coffee and talked and she appeared impressed by our service. She said she would chat with mental health minister Matt Doocey and maybe organise for him to visit us. To date, I haven't heard from either of them. Repeated emails to Oranga Tamariki asking them to restore our funding have also gone unanswered. Our service is still running thanks to philanthropic community support but we have had to reduce our availability from five days a week to four. The Auditor General's report released last month sharply criticised Oranga Tamariki's cuts, noting poor documentation, late decisions and inadequate understanding of the impact of the cuts on children and whanau. How can we have faith in a government that on one hand takes away proven preventative mental healthcare funding and on the other claims it can reduce something as complex as suicide rates? While I strongly back therapeutic support, especially free counselling, I also take a broader sociological view of improving overall mental health and wellbeing. Suicide prevention isn't just a matter of services or slogans. It demands that we reckon with how we live – as individuals and as a society. John Weaver's Sorrows of a Century: Interpreting Suicide in New Zealand (2014) is a powerful exploration of 12,000 coroners' reports from 1900–2000. He concludes that suicide must be understood within wider social forces: economic insecurity, war, illness, trauma. He advocates for 'deep prevention': long-term investment in meaningful employment, cradle-to-grave healthcare, and far-reaching education. He describes these ideas as 'utopian' but necessary, and emphasises extensive social action to improve lives before they slump into despair about the future. Since the book's publication, new stressors have emerged: a devastating pandemic, runaway technology, climate crises, and the psychological burden of constant global violence. In Aotearoa, the cost of living has risen dramatically. The cost of renting even substandard accommodation is taking a huge portion of household income. Every day I walk past long lines of hungry people queueing for food at a local food rescue. The government's suicide prevention plan also doesn't reflect on deeper holistic considerations – like our relationship to Papatūānuku. Contemporary capitalist society has severed us from the whenua and desensitised us from knowing the deeper parts of ourselves which then impacts our relationships with each other. Many people I meet – not just clients – struggle to name what they are truly feeling or to even locate that feeling within their own body. Capitalism demands our compliance and silence. Even our bereavement policy – three days' leave – suggests a culture that minimises death and grief. How can you return to your workplace bereaved by any death, and especially suicide, after just three days? To work with solutions for just an individual is pointless, and no plan, however well-meaning, will reduce suicide numbers if we are blind to the stresses of the socioeconomic and ecological environments where despair festers. As sociologist Alison Pugh writes, 'we are living through a crisis not just of loneliness but of human invisibility'. I haven't lost hope. Not because of any single plan, but because of the people I meet each day doing their best to heal and create fulfilling lives for themselves and their whanau. This is where suicide prevention truly lives – not in glossy plans, policies and shallow governmental rhetoric, but in community, care and the slow, quiet work of rebuilding what we've lost. TAUTOKO Suicide Crisis Helpline – 0508 828 865


Otago Daily Times
20-06-2025
- Otago Daily Times
British MPs back assisted dying bill
Britain's parliament has voted in favour of a bill to legalise assisted dying, paving the way for the country's biggest social change in a generation. The legislation passed by a vote of 314-291, clearing its biggest parliamentary hurdle. The "Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life)" law would give mentally competent, terminally ill adults in England and Wales with six months or less left to live the right to choose to end their lives with medical help. The bill now proceeds to Britain's upper chamber, the House of Lords, where it will undergo months of scrutiny. While there could be further amendments, the unelected Lords will be reluctant to block legislation that has been passed by elected members of the House of Commons. The vote puts Britain on course to follow Australia, Canada and other countries, as well as some US states, in permitting assisted dying. Prime Minister Keir Starmer's Labour government was neutral on the legislation, meaning politicians voted according to their conscience rather than along party lines. Starmer voted in favour. Supporters of the bill say it will provide dignity and compassion to people suffering, but opponents worry that vulnerable people could be coerced into ending their lives. Hundreds of people gathered outside parliament to hear news of the vote. When the result was read out, those in favour of the legislation hugged, clapped and cheered. They shouted 'victory', 'we won' and waved placards. Those opposed to it stood in silence. Emma Bray, who has motor neurone disease, said she hoped the result would help people in her condition. Bray, who is 42 and has two children, said she plans to starve herself to death next month to help relieve the pain after being told she only has six months to live. 'This result will mean that people will not have to go through the same suffering I have faced,' she told Reuters. Opinion polls show that a majority of Britons back assisted dying. Friday's vote followed hours of emotional debate and references to personal stories in the chamber and followed a vote in November that approved the legislation in principle. NARROW VOTE Opponents of the bill had argued that ill people may feel they should end their lives for fear of being a burden to their families and society. Some lawmakers withdrew their support after the initial vote last year, saying safeguards had been weakened. John Howard, a Catholic priest who led about a dozen people in prayer outside parliament while voting took place, said he worried that some people would be forced to end their lives early under pressure from family members. "I feel great sorrow and concern, particularly for the most vulnerable and disabled," he told Reuters. "This is a dark day for our country." Friday's vote took place 10 years after parliament last voted against allowing assisted dying. The 314-291 vote showed narrowing support from the 330-275 vote in favour in November. In the original plan, an assisted death would have required court approval. That has been replaced by a requirement for a judgement by a panel including a social worker, a senior legal figure and a psychiatrist, which is seen by some as a watering down. The Labour lawmaker who proposed the bill, Kim Leadbeater, said the legislation still offered some of the strongest protections in the world. "I am fully confident in the bill," she told the BBC after the vote. "The safeguards are extremely thorough, extremely robust, and I'm confident that this will help the people it needs to help." Opponents had doubts not just about the potential for coercion, but also about the impact of assisted dying on the finances and resources of the state-run National Health Service, how the law might change the relationship between doctors and their patients and whether it could mean that improvements to palliative care might now not be made. Care Not Killing, a group that opposes the law change, issued a statement calling the bill "deeply flawed and dangerous", saying that its safeguards had been weakened since November. "Members of Parliament had under 10 hours to consider over 130 amendments to the Bill, or less than 5 minutes per change. Does anyone think this is enough time to consider changes to a draft law that quite literally is a matter of life and death?" said the group's CEO, Gordon Macdonald. The law was proposed under a process led by an individual member of parliament rather than being government policy, which has limited the amount of parliamentary time allocated to it. Some lawmakers have said that such a major social change should have been allocated more parliamentary time for debate and involve a greater degree of ministerial involvement and accountability.


NZ Herald
15-06-2025
- NZ Herald
Ireland mother-and-baby-home scandal: Tuam excavation to start soon, uncovers dark history of children's burial
It was her discovery of the unmarked mass burial site that led to an Irish Commission of Investigation into the so-called mother-and-baby homes. In 2014, the now 71-year-old produced evidence that 796 children, from newborns to a 9-year-old, died at Tuam's mother-and-baby home. Her research pointed to the children's likely final resting place: a disused septic tank discovered in 1975. 'There are no burial records for the children, no cemetery, no statue, no cross, absolutely nothing,' Corless said. It was only in 2022 that legislation was passed in Parliament enabling the excavation work to start at Tuam. Historian Catherine Corless poses on the site of the former St Mary's Mother and Baby Home, in Tuam, in the outskirts of Galway, western Ireland, a site believed to contain a mass grave of children and mothers. Photo / AFP Dark shadow 'It's been a fierce battle. When I started this, nobody wanted to listen. At last we are righting the wrongs,' Corless said. 'I was just begging: take the babies out of this sewage system and give them the decent Christian burial that they were denied,' she added. In findings published in 2021, the Commission of Investigation found 'disquieting' levels of infant mortality at the institutions. Women pregnant outside of wedlock were siloed in the so-called mother-and-baby homes by society, run by the state and the Catholic church, which has historically held an iron grip on Irish attitudes. After giving birth at the homes, mothers were then separated from their children, often through adoption. The state-backed inquiries sparked by the discoveries in Tuam found that 56,000 unmarried women and 57,000 children passed through 18 such homes over 76 years. The commission report concluded that 9000 children had died in the homes across Ireland. Often church and state worked in tandem to run the institutions, which still operated in Ireland as recently as 1998. Homes were run in various ways – some funded and managed by local health authorities and others by Catholic religious orders such as the Bon Secours nuns who managed the Tuam home. 'All these babies and children were baptised but still the church turned a blind eye. It just didn't matter, they were illegitimate, that's the stance that they took,' Corless said. Analysis at the Tuam site in 2016 and 2017 identified human remains in underground cavities. A commission of investigation later concluded that they were in a disused sewage tank. But it was only in 2022 that legislation was passed in Parliament, enabling the works to start there. For Anna Corrigan, 70, who was in her mid-50s when she learned that her late mother gave birth in secret to two boys, John and William, in Tuam, the slow process has been 'justice, Irish-style'. As no death certificate was ever issued for William, and John's death was not medically certified, the few official documents Corrigan has been able to access have left her with more questions than answers. 'Dirty little secrets' In her kitchen, she showed AFP a copy of a 1947 inspection report of the Tuam home. It described John as 'a miserable, emaciated child', even though he was born healthy a year earlier. Both could be buried in Tuam, according to Corrigan, while William may also have been illegally adopted out of the country. 'They prevaricate, they obfuscate, they make it difficult for people to get to the truth,' she said. 'There are dirty little secrets in Ireland that have to be kept hidden. Ireland has a wholesome reputation around the world but there's also a dark, sinister side,' she said. A team was finally appointed in 2023 to lead the Tuam site excavation, tasked with recovering, memorialising and re-burying remains recovered at the site once the work starts. Sample DNA will be taken from people who have reasonable grounds to believe they are a close relative. 'I never thought I'd see the day that we'd get over so many hurdles – push them to finally excavating what I call the 'pit', not a grave,' said Corrigan. 'I'm glad it's starting, but if we can even find and identify a certain amount, it's not going to give us all closure,' she said. – Agence France-Presse