UPDATED: Egypt, Djibouti leaders reject threats to Red Sea navigation security - Foreign Affairs
President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi and his Djiboutian counterpart Ismail Omar Guelleh firmly rejected on Wednesday any actions that threaten the safety and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, underscoring the need to uphold regional security principles.
According to the Egyptian presidency, both leaders' remarks came during a meeting in the capital, Djibouti, where they addressed the common challenges confronting both nations in the Red Sea region.
The Egyptian and Djiboutian presidents also agreed that the primary responsibility for governing and securing this key maritime trade route rests solely with the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden littoral states.
They stressed the need to activate the Council of Arab and African States Bordering the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, enabling it to fulfil its responsibilities in promoting coordination among Red Sea and Gulf of Aden littoral nations.
Somalia
The presidents also exchanged views on regional and international issues of mutual concern, particularly the situation in the Horn of Africa.
They stressed the importance of supporting all efforts to strengthen security and stability in Somalia and safeguard its unity and territorial integrity.
Both leaders welcomed initiatives to enhance Somali institutions and the federal government's capacities to address challenges and to empower the Somali army to assert nationwide control.
They strongly condemned the assassination attempt on Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and underlined the necessity of supporting Somalia in its efforts to combat terrorism.
Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to contribute forces to the African Union Stabilisation Support Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM).
Sudan
Addressing the Sudanese conflict, the leaders reiterated their firm rejection of any attempts to undermine Sudan's unity, sovereignty, or territorial integrity.
They also rejected attempts to form a parallel government, which they saw as deepening the crisis and hindering efforts to unite Sudanese political forces.
The two presidents stressed the importance of preserving Sudan's national institutions and ensuring the delivery of humanitarian aid across all Sudanese regions.
They called on all Sudanese factions to fully engage in a comprehensive political process that places national interests above all.
In addition, they stressed the importance of Sudan's return as an active member in the African Union, which they praised for promoting stability in Sudan and hosting relevant conferences.
The two leaders also expressed concern about the deteriorating political and security situation in South Sudan. They urged all parties to avoid escalation and resolve disputes through peaceful, diplomatic means to maintain regional security and stability.
Gaza and Syria
According to the Egyptian presidency, the two leaders discussed the situation in Gaza. They condemned the renewed Israeli aggression on Gaza as a blatant violation of the ceasefire deal and denounced Israel's decision to block humanitarian aid and close relief crossings.
They also called on Israel to end ceasefire violations, allow the entry of humanitarian aid, and return to negotiations to finalise the next phase of the ceasefire agreement.
Moreover, the two sides supported the outcomes of the Cairo extraordinary Arab summit, including the willingness to cooperate with US President Donald Trump and international partners to implement the Arab-Islamic plan for the early recovery and reconstruction of Gaza.
They also reaffirmed the unified Arab position—widely backed by the international community—rejecting any forced displacement of Palestinians from their lands as a violation of international law and a crime against humanity.
In addition, the Egyptian and Djiboutian leaders stressed that Israel, as an occupying power, must honour its commitments under international law and UN resolutions.
They reaffirmed the steadfast Arab position supporting the two-state solution and the Palestinian people's right to establish an independent state along the 4 June 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The two presidents also discussed the latest developments in Syria, expressing support for Syrian national institutions and overall stability.
They condemned all forms of violence that threaten the safety and well-being of the Syrian people, stressing the need for an inclusive transitional process that includes all segments of Syrian society.
On the other hand, the two leaders underscored bilateral coordination within regional and international organisations, particularly the Arab League, the African Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and the United Nations.
In this respect, President Guelleh reaffirmed Djibouti's support for Egypt's candidate, Khaled El-Enany, who the Arab League and African Union have also endorsed, for the position of Director-General of UNESCO.
Similarly, during the meeting, President El-Sisi congratulated Djibouti's former Foreign Minister, Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, on his election as Chairperson of the African Union Commission.
This is President El-Sisi's second official visit to Djibouti.
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Having had a late 1970s early 1980s childhood, Victory Day—6 October 1973—has never held for me any personal feeling of victory and delight, however it has been this and more for my parents and their friends who have lived the 1967 Six Day War and subsequent defeat, then the pride of Victory Day. On 6 October 1973 the Egyptian air force and army freed Egypt from the bitterness of its humiliating defeat at the hands of Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, bringing about a stunning military victory for Egypt. Despite my appreciation of the momentous historic value of that day, and despite its impact on my parent's generation, it never personally resonated with me. I had to wait till June 2013 to live my own cherished Victory Day. On 30 June 2013, Egyptians in their millions, my family and myself included, took to the streets to demonstrate against the Muslim Brotherhood's (MB) two-year authority over Egypt, including one year of ruling the country. Someone who did not live in Egypt through that period might wonder what was it that was so unsettling about the MB rule? What drove millions of Egyptians to the streets to adamantly demand an end to their religious-based rule? After all, hadn't the MB Muhammad Mursi been democratically elected President in 2012? Wasn't this a healthy politically-needed democratic turn of events? Wasn't this the democracy Egyptians called for during the 2011 Arab Spring uprising? In reply to such questions and many more, I will tell you why I jolted myself up from my 'couch', relinquished my passive political silence, and took the, for me, drastic step of taking to the street to protest against MB rule. My use of the term 'couch' references the expression en vogue in Egypt in 2011 – 2013: 'the couch [political] party'; it was used critically to imply the laziness and apathy of the silent majority, the large segment of Egyptians who, through passivity and political disengagement, abandoned the political arena to activists or people who pushed their own agendas. The first time for me to leave the comfort passivity of my 'couch' was in November 2012—five months into President Mursi's rule—when he issued his notorious constitutional declaration granting himself sweeping powers, and placing his decisions above judicial review. One month later, he and his MB allies pushed in a new constitution for Egypt, one which gave provisions for religious interpretations of laws, and failed to protect minorities especially Christians and women. As a Christian and a woman, I felt that this threatened my very existence and freedoms, and I refused to join the scores of Christians who started touting the opinion that the only answer would be for them to leave Egypt and emigrate. After all, it seemed very far-fetched that the MB, once in power, would ever allow the 'democracy' that brought them in to oust them out; one needed but look at Hamas in neighbouring Gaza and at other religious-based groups to realise that the MB would never ever relinquish power. I felt the need to express my alarm and absolute disapproval of the ruling regime's policy and decisions. I had to make my voice heard, even though I could not clearly see its impact. My husband, himself a 'couch party' member, was sceptical of my participation in a protest, believing it would subject me to nuisances and hazards, and probably achieve nothing. I agreed, but it was also my only chance to express my rejection of the ruling regime. As the days passed, the situation in Egypt got worse; the economy took severe blows; prices spiralled, and power cuts and fuel shortages were all-too frequent. Worse, the security situation declined abysmally, which was very much unlike Egypt. Fear gripped us for our security and that of our children, especially when we felt the tense relationship between the regime on one hand and the police and military on the other. It was also very distressing to see how Egypt was losing grounds in international circles owing to Mr Mursi's foreign policy and his frequent missteps. Worst of all, however, it became alarmingly unsettling to witness the high regard in which he and his regime held Hamas and religious causes and regimes. Our 'Egyptian' President had no loyalty or regard to his Egyptian identity; he gave precedence to his Islamism. By March 2012, a grassroots campaign fanned out on social media under the logo 'Tamarud', literally 'Rebellion', calling for a massive revolt against Mr Mursi and MB rule on 30 June 2013 which marked one year since his inauguration in 2012. Tamarud appeared to be exactly what we were looking for; we were very eager to join, we felt that enough was enough. By 'we' I mean an unimaginably large number of 'couch party' individuals; almost everyone said, personally or on social media, that they intended to join. This time, my husband eagerly joined me in the protests. Our demands centred on the resignation of Mr Mursi; holding early presidential elections that would bring in a government representative of all Egyptians; protection of the sovereignty of the judiciary; and addressing the growing daily life crises once and for all. We aspired for drastic change, we were not willing to contemplate leaving our Egypt as a way out of the quagmire. Hopeful? Yes we were, but never in our wildest dreams could we have believed that the outcome would be what transpired on the ground on 30 June 2013. That day, millions upon millions of Egyptians took to the streets nationwide. The numbers were unprecedented. In Cairo, the focus was to gather in the central Tahrir Square, but none of us were able to make our way there. Mobile phones carried the same message from far flung spots in the metropolis that is Cairo. 'We've gone down only to find huge crowds, but they were at a standstill, no one was moving forward.' Finally, we discovered that all the paths up to Tahrir were already occupied by the masses, so we had to stick to where we were. Yet the crowds were absolutely peaceful, no complaints, no harassment; instead an unusual spirit of unity and camaraderie. 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The year 2025 marks 12 years on that memorable day 30 June 2013. I can but contemplate the Middle East map and the current turmoil in all the countries on Egypt's borders and even beyond. All of them have lived through disastrous unrest under religious-based rule; they have not recovered to this day. Catastrophic internal strife rages unmercifully on their lands, forcing their suffering people to flee their homes or risk their lives and livelihoods. Egypt alone has escaped this fate. Through divine providence, the resolve of the people, and their loyal army at their back, Egypt is today a free, civic State that, despite hardship, lives in peace. Watani International 29 June 2025 Comments comments Tags: 30 June 201330 June RevolutionDalia Victor
