King praises Islamic studies centre's commitment to ‘international co-operation'
Charles described the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies as a 'beacon of Islamic scholarship' when he visited to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the institution, which has grown from a hut to an impressive complex as part of Oxford University.
'The centre's ongoing commitment to objective scholarship and international co-operation, underpinned by principles of dialogue, deep understanding and mutual respect, is more imperative than ever in today's world,' said the King in a brief speech.
'I need hardly say I am extremely heartened that the centre continues to play such a significant role in that globally critical endeavour.'
His comments came as the Middle East remains mired in conflict, with Israel fighting on multiple fronts from its continued bombardment of the Gaza Strip, recent strikes on Syria and the attack on Iran.
Speaking to invited guests and supporters, who included former home secretary Jack Straw and former attorney general Dominic Grieve, Charles, who is the centre's patron, praised its 'unfailing work to broaden our understanding of the Islamic world in the United Kingdom'.
Farhan Nizami, the centre's director, has been instrumental in its development over the decades, and said about its work today: 'The ability to bring scholars from around the world in a safe space where they can exchange ideas – we can agree to disagree when need be – but also to encourage the students to come into Oxford to read for Oxford degrees.
'I think the very presence of the centre is a statement of inter-faith.'
He also praised the King's support for the centre since becoming its patron in 1993, hosting celebratory events at various anniversary milestones and delivering the centre's inaugural lecture, Islam And The West, that year.
The director said Charles' 1993 speech 'still has a tremendous resonance and is still quoted – the call for better understanding of peoples and cultures.
'But as he put it then, that Islam was part of us in Britain and Britain is part of the Muslim world, and we should get rid of any prejudice and ignorance that might exist, to do that through good scholarship which is the basis for building bridges'.
During the visit the King cut a ribbon to officially open a wing renamed the King Charles III Wing.
It will host a programme named in his honour which consolidates activities inspired by him, from the Young Muslim Leadership Programme to conferences focused on global issues like the environment and sustainability.
Mr Straw, who sat on an advisory committee for the centre for a period, said: 'The fact it has developed in this way over 40 years is absolutely extraordinary.
'The patronage of now the King, then the Prince of Wales, has also been profoundly important because he was very much ahead of his time and it wasn't necessarily a popular cause.'
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Times
27 minutes ago
- Times
James Cleverly's homecoming is shrewd move for Tories
A s the stepdaughter of a Yorkshire Tory MP, I was brought up on ill-attended speeches in village halls and constituency wine and cheese parties. Yet although conservatism is in my blood, I haven't even considered voting for it for a decade. The mess that David Cameron and his successors made first of the country's relationship with Europe and then of the party itself enraged me. With Kemi Badenoch's failure to find a way of countering Reform, I had come to the view that the party was on its last legs. But the return of James Cleverly to the front bench makes me wonder whether there might be life in the old dog yet. Badenoch's big decision is whether to copy Reform UK's fiscal irresponsibility and flag-waving nationalism or return to moderate, ideology-free conservatism. The political tide in America and Europe is pushing her in the former direction, as is the strongest character on her front bench, Robert Jenrick.
Telegraph
27 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Putin is preparing for another invasion while Nato is fatally distracted
At the latest Nato summit in The Hague, the alliance announced that members had set a new target of spending 5 per cent of GDP on defence and security by 2035. In part, this is likely to have been driven by a realisation that Trump envoy Steve Witkoff's shuttle diplomacy and Europe's denunciations of Vladimir Putin will not be enough to end the war in Ukraine. More fundamentally, however, members are waking up to the need to deter Russia from attacking a Nato country – which, according to Mark Rutte, the alliance's secretary-general, it could be ready to do within five years. As a military intelligence analyst specialising in Putin's thinking and Russian military strategy, I agree with Rutte's assessment about Russia's readiness for another offensive military campaign in just a few years. I'm less convinced that a Nato country is likely to be the Kremlin's next target, unless the alliance directly intervenes in Ukraine by deploying troops onto the battlefield. Nevertheless, what Nato does or doesn't do in the next few years could be highly significant in determining whether Putin decides to attack another post-Soviet state – such as Moldova. The problem is that increasing spending on defence and security-related areas will not do the trick on its own. Money and technology, the staples of the West's style of warfare, do not by themselves prevent or win wars. Strategy does. And a successful strategy must be based on a deep understanding of the opponent's way of war, addressing the key elements of its military planning. I briefed Nato members on Russia's war-fighting strategy in September 2013, just months prior to Putin's invasion of Crimea. Regrettably, no counter-strategy was developed by the Pentagon and its Nato counterparts. Hence Putin's invasions. Developed by the Russian General Staff and often dubbed 'asymmetric warfare', Russia's strategy borrows heavily from the classic works of the British strategist Sir Basil Liddell Hart. He advocated indirect methods of fighting the opponent, rather than the brute application of force. The centrepiece of this approach is to bypass the enemy's areas of strength and focus on exploiting weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Obviously, the war in Ukraine has developed into precisely the sort of conflict Russia seeks to avoid. But that doesn't mean that the Kremlin has fundamentally changed its approach to conflict, particularly when facing new opponents. Since Nato militaries are technologically superior to the Russian forces, Moscow knows it will have to rely on seizing the strategic initiative during the initial period of any future war. It will not be seeking a repeat of what has happened in Ukraine. Russian planners therefore envision undermining Nato's network-centric approach to war by disrupting its forces' 'kill chain', the process that enables military decision-making to detect, target, and destroy adversaries. This could be achieved by targeting, perhaps pre-emptively, the C4ISR (command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) and space systems on which Nato forces depend. So Nato members need to do more than spend money. They need to understand what the Russians consider to be the alliance's vulnerabilities, and take action to remove the Kremlin's incentive to exploit them. There are five principal areas that require action. 1. Secure space-related infrastructure Russia has a formidable arsenal of counter-space weapons, designed to degrade or destroy US and allied satellites. It includes GPS-jamming systems, lasers, orbital interceptors, and anti-satellite missiles. The US Office of the Director of National Intelligence warned in its 2025 Annual Threat Assessment that Russia is training its space forces, fielding new anti-satellite weapons, and is already using electronic warfare to counter Western assets. Moscow is also developing a new satellite meant to carry a nuclear weapon as an anti-satellite capability. 2. Harden critical infrastructure against cyber attacks Russia has one of the world's most destructive arsenals of cyber weapons, a sophisticated doctrine, and advanced expertise. The 2025 Annual Threat Assessment warned about Russia's repeated success in compromising sensitive targets for intelligence collection. Moscow is likely to already have access to critical infrastructure in the US and Europe. Moscow has a particular strength and practical experience in integrating cyber attacks with military operations in wartime. 3. Establish stronger protocols to guard undersea communications cables Russia's General Staff Main Directorate has a highly secretive deep sea research programme, known as GUGI. Moscow is highly likely to have put this expertise into practice, with several suspected sabotage operations of undersea cables in the Baltic Sea since the war in Ukraine began. A similar risk applies to energy pipelines. In October 2022, the UK Ministry of Defence acknowledged that a Royal Navy frigate was deployed to the North Sea to assist Norwegian forces in protecting gas pipelines, after the rupture of Nord Stream in the Baltic. 4. Bullet-proof against Russian espionage It hardly needs saying that Russia routinely infiltrates spies all across Europe and recruits locals to steal military, political, and economic secrets. But Moscow has also been able to insert intelligence operatives to conduct destabilisation operations, targeting critical infrastructure. Some estimates suggest that such sabotage operations almost quadrupled in number between 2023-24. Multiple arrests have taken place, including in Germany, Poland, and the UK. But the alliance must take a more pro-active approach, neutralising and disrupting Russia's espionage operations before they are able to do damage. 5. Establish advantage in total combat potential Having moved onto a war footing several years prior to the invasion of Ukraine, Russia now produces more ammunition in three months than Europe does in one year. Scaling up production of air defence systems, tanks, drones, and ammunition is imperative for Nato to catch up to Russia and restock its depleted arsenals. Weapons don't shoot themselves, however. The alliance must recruit, train, and equip a fighting force sufficient to change Putin's decision calculus. Moscow has been mobilising overtly and covertly throughout its three and a half year war in Ukraine. And on Tuesday, a bill was submitted to the State Duma introducing year-round conscription for military service. If approved and signed by Putin, the law will come into effect on Jan 1, 2026. In Europe, only a few countries have mandatory military service, and so far most of the others are not considering it. But in a war of attrition, such as the one Russia is fighting in Ukraine, the side that has more manpower is better positioned to win. The good news is that the alliance has time to get its act together to prevent another invasion. It would be tragic if the alliance fails to step up to the plate now, especially given the colossal price Ukraine is paying to defend itself against the Russians. Nato owes it to all those dead Ukrainians and their families to develop a viable counter-strategy to Putin's playbook. Rebekah Koffler is a strategic military intelligence analyst, formerly with the US Defense Intelligence Agency. She is the author of 'Putin's Playbook', Regnery 2021. Her next book 'Trump's Playbook' will be published later this year. Rebekah's podcast Trump's Playbook is running on her channel Censored But Not Silenced and is available on most social media platforms @Rebekah0132.
Reuters
27 minutes ago
- Reuters
Zelenskiy introduces bill to 'uphold independence' of Ukraine's anti-graft bodies
KYIV, Ukraine, July 24 (Reuters) - President Volodymyr Zelenskiy on Thursday submitted draft legislation to restore the independence of Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies, reversing course after an outburst of public criticism. Measures enacted earlier this week that established greater control by the prosecutor general, a political appointee, over the anti-corruption bureau NABU and the specialised prosecution unit SAPO had fuelled rare wartime protests and had thrown Kyiv's EU accession bid into question. The agencies said they had been involved in drafting the bill and urged parliament to hold a vote as soon as possible. "The bill, submitted by the president of Ukraine as urgent, restores all procedural powers and guarantees of independence to the NABU and SAPO," they said in a statement. Zelenskiy, whose image as a tireless leader of the three-year-old war against Russia's invasion has been tarnished by the controversy, said the text of the new bill is "well-balanced". He also said that the bill guarantees "reliable protection of the law enforcement system against any Russian influence", in an apparent move to justify the law hurriedly passed on Tuesday. On Monday, security forces arrested two anti-corruption officials on suspicion of ties to Russia and launched sweeping searches of other employees. Critics had decried the move to give a Zelenskiy-appointed prosecutor control over the agencies, saying it looked like political pressure on the agencies. After the law was adopted, Zelenskiy faced a severe backlash, with thousands of people joining protests across the country, even though public gatherings are restricted by martial law. "It is important that we respect the position of all Ukrainians and are grateful to everyone who stands with Ukraine," Zelenskiy said. Ukraine's international allies also rushed with vocal criticism. The International Monetary Fund said the law, curbing the agencies' authority, would be "very problematic" for the war-torn country's macroeconomic stability and growth. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz both had calls with Zelenskiy on Thursday, offering their countries' expertise on the new bill. "I invited Germany to join the expert review of the bill. Friedrich assured me of readiness to assist," Zelenskiy said on X. Ruslan Stefanchuk, the chairman of parliament, said it would be considered at the next plenary session, although MPs were meant to start their summer holiday this week. Opposition lawmakers separately registered their own legislation to revoke the restrictive measures, which had been fast-tracked with help from Zelenskiy's ruling party. "They heroically solved the problems that they created just as heroically. Grand imitators," Yaroslav Zhelezniak, from the opposition Holos party, said on Telegram.
