Operation Black Forest—how Modi-Shah's push for a Naxalism-free India is gaining ground
This operation, code-named Operation Black Forest, was aimed at dismantling Naxal and Maoist networks. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah are determined to eradicate Left Wing Extremism in the country and this was reflected in the latter's words: 'Our target is to end it completely by March 31, 2026.'
While India celebrated the success of Operation Sindoor, another effective operation was underway in the heartland of India. The war against Left Wing Extremism has been quietly and steadily taking place in the country's interiors where a Red corridor existed from 'Pashupati to Tirupati', undermining the progress made under the democratic reforms as envisioned by the founding fathers of the Indian Constitution.
What is Naxalism?
Naxalism is a far-Left political ideology inspired by a blend of Lenin's ideologies, Karl Marx's theories, and Mao Zedong's form of Communism. It derives its name from Naxalbari, a hamlet in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, where a group led by the trio of Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal, rose up and created an armed conflict in 1967. The uprising was speedily quashed by the state government. But it sparked off a nationwide movement, all the way from the borders of Nepal to the temple towns of southern India.
The Naxalites used violence in the name of ideological or philosophical ideals. They called it an uprising against injustice and class struggle, or an armed revolution, where ideologies were imported from the Communist Bloc to destroy democratic values in India. The movement is also influenced by Mao's People's War, based on guerrilla warfare and rural uprising, hence giving rise to the moniker 'Maoists'.
The Maoists consider the country and the Indian Constitution as their enemy and constantly engage in guerrilla-style warfare against the state. After Charu Majumdar's death in 1972, the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist, which he founded, weakened and splintered up, only to get a new lifeline in the 1990s and early 2000s. While the Communist parties remained within the parameters of the Constitution, the CPI (Maoist) operated as a fringe outfit, indulging in law and order violations with a militant mindset to fight the state. Their activities extended in primarily rural, mineral-rich, and underdeveloped belts of Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. The central goal has been to capture power through armed insurrection and violence.
The CPI (Maoist) emerged in 2004 with the merger of splinter groups, namely the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. While China, the country where this ideology originated, does not allow such extremist philosophies to operate on its soil, in India, these organisations have been placed on terrorist list and are banned under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967.
Also read: The very people that Naxals claimed to fight for have rejected them
Why was it important to curtail Maoism?
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Maoist insurgency has become a serious internal security challenge and an 'impediment to the nation-building process'. The Maoists had set up a parallel government in remote and less–inhabited areas, leading to a governmental vacuum and a concerning security situation that threatened the integrity and sovereignty of India. They do not recognise private investment and infrastructure development, and are against government welfare schemes. They ran parallel governments, engaged in unlawful activities like arms trafficking and extortion, and obstructed the functioning of schools and hospitals to ensure their sphere of influence prospered.
The principles of Maoism erode the very tenets of democracy, as they are against free and fair elections and the democratic process. Maoists claim to protect the interests of the tribals and the landless, but in reality, they deny access to development and welfare for these neglected people.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, the Maoist insurgency has claimed nearly 12,000 lives since 2000. Not only are the poor civilians caught in the crossfire between the insurgents and the police forces, but valuable resources and funds that could be used for infrastructural development are diverted for anti-insurgency operations. There ought to be no misunderstanding: Maoists are a threat to national security, as they vociferously reject the Indian Constitution and aim to overthrow democratically elected governments through violence and anarchy, with the ultimate aim to control resources and create a parallel economy of terror and disruption.
Economic consequences of the 'Red' movement
The 'Red corridor' has been reduced to a handful of 'Red' hotspots, as per the MHA. The economic consequences of Left Wing Extremism have been far-reaching and monumental, mainly due to loss and damage to infrastructure, power lines, bridges, railway tracks; and the costs of deployment of security forces, loss to industry and mining operations.
Further, according to a 2009 Hindustan Times report, a parallel economy worth Rs 1,500 crore had been operating in Naxal-affected regions, where these LWE groups would extort money from contractors and industrial houses to line the pockets of their commanders. Often, companies are compelled to pay huge sums to ensure their operations are not disrupted. Moreoever, naxalism impacts foreign investments as well.
Also read: Success against Maoist leader Basavaraju was unthinkable a few years ago—here's what changed
BJP government's action plan
In 2006, a Left Wing Extremism Division was created under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Affairs to monitor and control this scourge of society. A concerted game plan was initiated to counter this homegrown terror. The Union Home Minister would meet with the chief ministers of LWE-affected states every year and make personal visits to review the situation on the ground.
The Cabinet Secretary is also expected to hold regular review meetings with the Chief Secretaries, the DGs and the DGPs. A concerted plan to end the Naxal movement is in place, and it is clear that PM Modi and Amit Shah mean business. 'The day is not far when Maoist violence will be completely eradicated from the country,' PM Modi said last week while announcing infrastructure projects worth over Rs 48,520 crore in Bihar's Karakat.
Schemes to strengthen the security forces against LWE have been initiated such as the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS), and Fortified Police Station scheme under which 626 such police stations have been constructed.
The Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I) for LWE-affected areas scheme is being implemented by the Ministry of Road Transport & Highways for improving road connectivity in 34 LWE affected districts of eight states—Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh. This scheme envisaged construction of 5,361 km road lengths in LWE-affected states, of which 5,204 km roads have been completed, according to the home ministry.
Another scheme, Road Connectivity Project for LWE-affected areas (RCPLWE), worth Rs 11,725 crore, has been approved for the construction of 12,228 km of roads and 705 bridges sanctioned in LWE-affected states under the Ministry of Rural Development, out of which 9,506 km roads and 479 bridge works have been completed.
Three telecom projects—Mobile Connectivity Project Phase-I & Phase-II, Provision of 4G mobile services in the villages of aspirational districts, and Saturation of 4G mobile services—are being implemented in LWE-affected areas to improve telecom connectivity. In total, 10,511 mobile towers are planned in LWE-affected areas under these projects, of which 7,777 mobile towers have been installed so far. This will help monitor and control Naxal terrorism in the affected areas.
The Aspirational Districts Programme (ADP), launched in 2018, has also been a game-changer in uplifting underdeveloped districts through data-driven and inclusive governance.
The double engine of PM Modi and Amit Shah envisage a holistic integration of former Naxalites into a civil society based on the tenets of inclusion and equality as envisaged by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India, creating a space for positive dialogue and rehabilitation of former rebels.
Outreach programmes for the tribal youth are being conducted and a budget of Rs 52.5 crore has been released for this purpose. It involves influencing the youth through jingles, pamphlet distribution, and documentaries to help them eschew the path of conflict and embrace life under the umbrella of the Constitution. The aim is to mainstream the people by encouraging them to leave the path of violence and choose peace and prosperity to help build an inclusive society.
Meenakashi Lekhi is a BJP leader, lawyer and social activist. Her X handle is @M_Lekhi. Views are personal.
(Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
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The Hindu
4 hours ago
- The Hindu
The Naxals are receding. Now what?
The car cannot proceed any further. On its way from the Narayanpur district headquarters to Garpa, a village in the district's interiors, the vehicle is forced to an abrupt stop nearly 15 km before the destination. The sedan, built for city roads and a comfortable commute, cannot navigate through a muddy murum (red gravel) pathway. Earth movers, trucks, and tractors pass by. Garpa, like many other villages in the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, was inaccessible to the district administration until last year, because the Maoists controlled it. Inside the car is Mahru Potai, the secretary of the Garpa village panchayat and its main link to Chhattisgarh's administration. During the commute that takes over an hour, he has been discussing the incremental changes in mainstreaming Garpa and other villages that dot this stretch of the road that runs through the Abujhmad forests. In Bastar, Maoists have been in conflict with the Indian state for the past five decades. Potai throws out a quip about the irony of getting stuck, considering Maoists no longer blockade roads but nature can. He discusses the gains made by the improved security situation and the impediments that remain 'just like this obstruction'. This pathway — which will serve as a base for a pucca road to link Narayanpur with Kanker districts — has come up after a security camp was established here six months ago. Its construction has cut down Potai's daily commute on a bike from nearly five hours to two, and has also helped villagers access services and benefits that they would earlier miss out on or not demand in fear of the Maoists. There are now five pockets of government access to people, and the administration calls these areas 'accesses'. The largely tribal administrative division of Bastar comprises seven districts, including Narayanpur. It is here that security forces have mounted an aggressive campaign, gunning down over 425 alleged Maoists since December 2023. Earlier in 2025, Home Minister Amit Shah had said on social media that all Naxals would be 'eradicated' by March 2026. Left-wing extremism began in India in 1967 with the communist-inspired peasant uprising against feudal landlords in Naxalbari, West Bengal. Later, the movement extended to other areas in eastern and central India, and these areas came to be called the Red Corridor. The Naxal cause expanded itself to include all kinds of oppression, including what they saw as a usurping of tribal rights by mining corporations. An 'uphill' task Narayanpur comprises two blocks: Narayanpur and Orchha. Orchha, of which Garpa village is a part, is geographically more spread out but the population is just around 41,000, say people from the administration. Out of 377 villages, 133 are still inaccessible to them. A family living in one of the difficult-to-reach villages must walk four days to a market for basic provisions. Distances are measured here in how many hills a person must cross to reach their destination. Officials say the upcoming population Census exercise will be an uphill task in these areas. The terrain and scattered population makes reaching people expensive. 'We have to utilise funds in a cost-effective manner. For example, the government is in a quandary to balance its financial and social obligations when residents of a village with a population as low as 10 families demand a new road that would cost around ₹1 crore for construction,' says Akancha Siksha Khalkho, the Zila Panchayat Chief Executive Officer of Narayanpur district. The 'Niyad Nellanar' scheme of the Chhattisgarh government aims at enhancing basic facilities and welfare benefits in a 10-km radius of the new camps set up in the Maoist-affected areas. The word 'camp' means two different things in Bastar: one set up for security, where the jawans of the forces live; another, tents and counters set up temporarily for people to avail themselves of welfare schemes. When the first is established, the second follows. The welfare camps have a carefully thought-through action plan. 'We have to be very cautious about choosing which people will be acceptable inside because we cannot compromise lives. For example, the Health Department and the Forest Department people go in because they have been dealing with the villagers in the past too,' says Niharika Barik Singh, Principal Secretary for both the Department of Panchayat and Rural Development of the State government. Her department coordinates the delivery of the Niyad Nellanar scheme. Niyad Nellanar covers all eligible beneficiaries of State government schemes, at both the individual and community level. Delivering these in hitherto ungoverned areas poses multifold challenges, says Potai. 'Take a cash assistance scheme such as the Mahtari Vandan Yojana, under which women are eligible for ₹1,000 every month. But they have to go to Narayanpur 52 km away on a bus that will cost them ₹200 to and fro. There is a provision of sending the money to the nearest post office but that circles back to the need for a mobile phone, which many here won't be able to afford,' he says. The bus service is new too, so villagers are not used to taking it yet. The road less travelled In another part of Narayanpur — that accounts for 60% of Abujhmad or Maad, a dense, unsurveyed forested area spread across Bastar and Maharashtra's Gadchiroli — lies Kasturmetta village. Here, a Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (DAJGUA) camp is being held on the weekly haat or market day, when people are expected to converge. The DAJGUA offers 25 Central government schemes spread across 17 ministries. Kasturmetta is on another 'access' where new camps have been set up. Its strategic importance lies in the fact that the camps built from east to west in the past one year connect Narayanpur to Maharashtra via the 130D National Highway and divide the district horizontally. On July 16, the bids for road construction on the last stretch from Kutul to Nilangur on the Maharashtra border (where the last camp is located) were opened, according to the National Highway Authority of India website. To the south of Kasturmetta are still security vacuum areas. It was in this vacuum area that Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju, general secretary of the banned CPI (Maoist), was gunned down by security forces in Chhattisgarh on May 21. It was seen as one of the biggest successes against left-wing extremism in the country. The Kasturmetta camp is the second such in the district where various departments have set up their booths. Men in lungis, women carrying babies, the elderly holding axes, engage in discussions with officials. The place is abuzz with activity but officials expected a better turnout. 'The target population is nearly 1,500, with residents from villages in 5-10 km expected to come here. We expected 500 at least, but only 100 have come. Lack of awareness, fear, all play a part,' says Lokesh Sharma, the Janpad (a government officer) CEO. The sowing season also keeps some away. Though many parts have camps, they are still sensitive, from a security point of view. Those who have come stand to gain, he notes. Sonmati Podiyami, who is from the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group, Abujh Maria tribe, says, 'I have come walking from Kalmanar Panchayat. My house is far (4-5 km). I'm here to get an Aadhaar card for my newborn's birth certificate.' Learnings from camps Once government employees began meeting people, they realised that there was little demand for schools. There was, however, demand for rations, health facilities and houses under the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana-Rural. Brick-and-mortar houses are not easy to build here. Rajesh Usandi, 32, a farmer, says he has applied for a house and received the first instalment of the total ₹2 lakh that the government provides as assistance. 'But the challenge is getting the construction material from Narayanpur. Seven tractor trips have to be made, and each trip costs ₹3,000. This takes away nearly half the assistance amount in transportation,' he says. Availability of skilled labourers is another issue. Bastar Inspector General P. Sundarraj says that among the skill development programmes being run for the surrendered Maoists, there are plans to introduce construction and telecom tower-building training programmes so that what they learn during rehabilitation is more relevant to the region. At and around the haat next to the camp on a cloudy monsoon afternoon, the smell of mahua lingers. A group of youth address each other with a laal salaam (red salute) and then cordially chat with a security forces soldier in uniform. The making of an Aadhaar card For regions that have been outside the government's purview, and yet have been receiving rations and some rudimentary health services, some challenges are unexpected enough to stump officials. Khalkho shares one instance where, in some interior villages, people had an aadhaar card made in 2011-12, but don't have the document. 'Now when we try to make their aadhaar to allow them access to other facilities, we find a duplication problem. We send them to the UIDAI portal to remove the anomaly, but the process may take anywhere from four to six weeks, delaying everything else,' she says. Another problem is connectivity. 'Garpa and the areas beyond are non-electrified and the telecom network connectivity is either poor or non-existent. In one particular case, we had to ferry almost an entire village on a tractor 25 km to get through the process,' Potai says. Among the greenshoots, Khalkho says, is people themselves coming forward to ask for services and assert their rights, shedding the fear instilled by the Maoists. 'Late last year people had come from Thulthuli. It was near the area where the encounter in which 38 Maoists were killed last year. They were looking for work under the NREGA scheme,' she says. She says the government sanctioned a pond construction in June. 'We asked them if there would be a problem if our [administration] people visited these villages, and they asked us to make any contact through the local Sarpanch. Initially, they had to take permission from the Maoists to get any sanction; then there was a vacuum after the encounter. It took a few months for them to finally approach us,' says Khalkho. shubhomoy.s@ Edited by Sunalini Mathew
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Time of India
5 hours ago
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