
A sinister Left-wing cabal is turning Britain into a dystopia
Yet here we are. A democratically elected government in a nation which gave the world Magna Carta has apparently installed a dedicated bureau to monitor all opinions put forward in public discourse. Further, it proposes legislation which would compel any forum that gave a platform to opinions considered to be unacceptable, to remove them. This is, prima facie, outrageous: a betrayal not only of the historic principles of open democracy but of the victories of freedom over totalitarianism that marked the last century. So how on earth could anyone – any political party or governing class – in the Western world possibly think that such a move was necessary or desirable? It would be easy (indeed it is easy) simply to condemn it as the arrogant imposition of what a smug elite considers the limits of morally acceptable opinion. Any statement or assertion that appears to be encouraging or condoning racism, or even prejudice against an approved social minority, must be policed out of existence.
It is scarcely necessary to warn where this policy could lead – or what it implies about the attitude of the current Government to its own population. But perhaps this is a more complex and confusing situation than it appears and paradoxically, some of the factors that contribute to it may be the result of precisely the ideological successes of which the West is most proud. What is it exactly that has produced this panic over unlimited public expression? It is the unbridled, unchecked and irresponsible dissemination of supposed 'information', or opinions based on deliberately deceptive information, on publicly accessible platforms often augmented by fake videos, AI doctored photographs and false 'evidence'.
This is a new thing for which traditional democratic societies have no previous experience. We have become aware quite suddenly of the possible consequences in terms of civil disorder and mortal risk that the dissemination of such material can produce – and that it now spreads remarkably, and terrifyingly, quickly. Suspicion, distrust and their anarchic effects can be ignited and propelled at a speed that those responsible for keeping order in the streets have not previously encountered. So yes, as you will have gathered, I do believe that the rise of social media – which has no enforced codes of practice or legal liability – is presenting civil authority with an unprecedented set of problems.
That observation, of course, is not original. It is, in fact, the official justification used by the government for its repressive measures. The added element in this toxic mix which has received less attention is the use that these media serve in the infiltration by professional activists of any convenient social cause. As a youthful Trotskyite, I was tutored in the techniques of exploiting any social discontent as a force for undermining trust in capitalism and what was considered to be the sham of democratic freedom. At the end of every meeting of what was then called International Socialism (IS), now known as the Socialist Workers Party, a list was recited of the latest venues at which we were expected to appear, brandishing pre-printed posters and demonstrating solidarity with whatever protest group was currently disrupting the functions of an industry, government department or public agency.
When I see all those disparate agitator groups now, whether they are demonstrating on behalf of the environment or against racism – carrying identical placards (generally with the words 'Socialist Workers Party' emblazoned at the top), I can guess what instructions they have been given. Make as much noise and monopolise as much of the television news coverage as you possibly can. Try to make the story about you and your message, even if you have been bussed in to compete with a genuine spontaneous protest over a local issue. I thought of this again when the police got into big trouble for apparently offering protection to, or even escorting, 'Stand Up to Racism' counter protestors at the site of a migrant hotel demonstration. Their presence appeared to be endorsed by the police who seemed to be shielding them from the anger of unworthy locals.
But what should be done if, say, an anti-racist group's planned arrival makes it necessary for the police to prevent any potential violent confrontation and breakdown of public order? That would be, in my experience, a classic professional activists' technique. They would exploit the fact that it is the first responsibility of the police to maintain order in the streets whatever the issue.
The ultimate irony may be that this phenomenon has been given extra propulsion by the collapse of communism. Back in the dark days of the Cold War, infiltration by the Left was a serious business run by serious people. The Communist party loathed what they considered to be juvenile, undisciplined Trotskyist messing around. My friends and I were regularly warned that our indiscriminate, ill-thought out negativism was going to discredit the sacred Marxist cause. While IS (now the SWP) handed out copies of the Socialist Worker newspaper on street corners, the Communist Party members maintained their terrifying diligence, their 'cover' identities and their dedicated take over of trade unions and nuclear disarmament campaigns.
That's all gone now. Anti-capitalism in its most inchoate, incoherent and irresponsible form is running the show and it is making use of all the opportunities modern technology offers to spread dangerous lies and inflammatory messages. There is no easy answer to this.
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Telegraph
9 hours ago
- Telegraph
A sinister Left-wing cabal is turning Britain into a dystopia
Who would have thought that a generation after the collapse of communism, freedom of speech would become controversial? Surely we had definitively settled this question of whether governments should prohibit or limit the expression of opinions. The Free World, as it was then known, had won the argument without even having to take up arms. Those peoples who had been subjected to the official suppression of ideas and information had repudiated that tyranny of their own accord. In East Germany, they simply walked out from under it. In Soviet Russia, Gorbachev's attempt at a more open, liberalised regime ended in ignominious collapse because a little bit of freedom just increased the longing for more. So surely there can be no doubt: liberty of thought and expression is what modern peoples demand. Yet here we are. A democratically elected government in a nation which gave the world Magna Carta has apparently installed a dedicated bureau to monitor all opinions put forward in public discourse. Further, it proposes legislation which would compel any forum that gave a platform to opinions considered to be unacceptable, to remove them. This is, prima facie, outrageous: a betrayal not only of the historic principles of open democracy but of the victories of freedom over totalitarianism that marked the last century. So how on earth could anyone – any political party or governing class – in the Western world possibly think that such a move was necessary or desirable? It would be easy (indeed it is easy) simply to condemn it as the arrogant imposition of what a smug elite considers the limits of morally acceptable opinion. Any statement or assertion that appears to be encouraging or condoning racism, or even prejudice against an approved social minority, must be policed out of existence. It is scarcely necessary to warn where this policy could lead – or what it implies about the attitude of the current Government to its own population. But perhaps this is a more complex and confusing situation than it appears and paradoxically, some of the factors that contribute to it may be the result of precisely the ideological successes of which the West is most proud. What is it exactly that has produced this panic over unlimited public expression? It is the unbridled, unchecked and irresponsible dissemination of supposed 'information', or opinions based on deliberately deceptive information, on publicly accessible platforms often augmented by fake videos, AI doctored photographs and false 'evidence'. This is a new thing for which traditional democratic societies have no previous experience. We have become aware quite suddenly of the possible consequences in terms of civil disorder and mortal risk that the dissemination of such material can produce – and that it now spreads remarkably, and terrifyingly, quickly. Suspicion, distrust and their anarchic effects can be ignited and propelled at a speed that those responsible for keeping order in the streets have not previously encountered. So yes, as you will have gathered, I do believe that the rise of social media – which has no enforced codes of practice or legal liability – is presenting civil authority with an unprecedented set of problems. That observation, of course, is not original. It is, in fact, the official justification used by the government for its repressive measures. The added element in this toxic mix which has received less attention is the use that these media serve in the infiltration by professional activists of any convenient social cause. As a youthful Trotskyite, I was tutored in the techniques of exploiting any social discontent as a force for undermining trust in capitalism and what was considered to be the sham of democratic freedom. At the end of every meeting of what was then called International Socialism (IS), now known as the Socialist Workers Party, a list was recited of the latest venues at which we were expected to appear, brandishing pre-printed posters and demonstrating solidarity with whatever protest group was currently disrupting the functions of an industry, government department or public agency. When I see all those disparate agitator groups now, whether they are demonstrating on behalf of the environment or against racism – carrying identical placards (generally with the words 'Socialist Workers Party' emblazoned at the top), I can guess what instructions they have been given. Make as much noise and monopolise as much of the television news coverage as you possibly can. Try to make the story about you and your message, even if you have been bussed in to compete with a genuine spontaneous protest over a local issue. I thought of this again when the police got into big trouble for apparently offering protection to, or even escorting, 'Stand Up to Racism' counter protestors at the site of a migrant hotel demonstration. Their presence appeared to be endorsed by the police who seemed to be shielding them from the anger of unworthy locals. But what should be done if, say, an anti-racist group's planned arrival makes it necessary for the police to prevent any potential violent confrontation and breakdown of public order? That would be, in my experience, a classic professional activists' technique. They would exploit the fact that it is the first responsibility of the police to maintain order in the streets whatever the issue. The ultimate irony may be that this phenomenon has been given extra propulsion by the collapse of communism. Back in the dark days of the Cold War, infiltration by the Left was a serious business run by serious people. The Communist party loathed what they considered to be juvenile, undisciplined Trotskyist messing around. My friends and I were regularly warned that our indiscriminate, ill-thought out negativism was going to discredit the sacred Marxist cause. While IS (now the SWP) handed out copies of the Socialist Worker newspaper on street corners, the Communist Party members maintained their terrifying diligence, their 'cover' identities and their dedicated take over of trade unions and nuclear disarmament campaigns. That's all gone now. Anti-capitalism in its most inchoate, incoherent and irresponsible form is running the show and it is making use of all the opportunities modern technology offers to spread dangerous lies and inflammatory messages. There is no easy answer to this.


Reuters
9 hours ago
- Reuters
Leader for life? El Salvador's Bukele headed that way, critics say
Aug 2 (Reuters) - There was no shortage of warning signs that El Salvador President Nayib Bukele would attempt to stay in power indefinitely, his critics say. There was the time Bukele stormed the legislative assembly with armed soldiers during his first year in office. Or a year after that, when his allies in the congress removed top Supreme Court judges and the attorney general and replaced them with Bukele loyalists. Then last year, Bukele ran for a consecutive term as president after the new Supreme Court judges reinterpreted the constitution. But the final tipping point came on Thursday afternoon, when a little-known legislator from Bukele's ruling New Ideas party announced a proposal to amend the constitution to allow indefinite presidential reelection. Bukele allies lined up one by one to sign a petition that would allow the assembly to vote on the legislation immediately, without it first going to committee for analysis or public debate. A mere three hours passed from the time the legislation was introduced until the moment it became law. Fifty-seven lawmakers voted in favor, with three in opposition. Ernesto Castro, the assembly president, framed the vote as a win for democracy. "The people will decide how long they want a leader to remain in office," Castro wrote on X. "With these decisive measures, we are ensuring a stronger, fairer and more efficient democracy." Marcela Villatoro, one of the three legislators to vote against the measure, countered late on Thursday: "Democracy has died in El Salvador today." The constitutional change also lengthened the presidential term by a year to six, eliminated runoffs, and moved up the next presidential election by two years to 2027, leaving little room for Bukele's scattered opposition to find a candidate. Bukele, who swept to power in 2019, is extremely popular in El Salvador because of his strong-arm tactics that have eliminated the country's once-powerful street gangs. That, combined with his effective crackdown on opponents, virtually guarantees that the 44-year-old will remain in office until at least 2033 — and perhaps many years after that. Human rights groups accuse Bukele of widespread abuses and corruption, and a flood of rights activists and journalists have fled the country in recent months after two outspoken critics were arrested and jailed. A spokesperson for Bukele did not respond to requests for comment about the constitutional change, whether he plans to run for re-election, or the opposition's assertion that democracy was being destroyed. In the U.S., El Salvador's constitutional amendment was largely met with silence. Bukele is Trump's strongest ally in Latin America, a relationship cemented by an agreement reached in March for El Salvador to house 238 Venezuelans deported from the U.S. in a maximum-security prison. In April, Trump called Bukele "one hell of a president." U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not respond to a request for comment on the constitutional change. "The U.S. government is shielding the Bukele regime with its silence," said Gina Romero, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association. "Bukele has complete control of the courts, the congress, the media and the narrative. If that's not autocracy I don't know what is." In El Salvador, the reaction to Thursday's measure was muted. Democracy is relatively new in the country -- it was established during 1992 peace accords that ended a brutal 12-year civil war -- and many Salvadorans consider it a failure given the power that gangs amassed during that time. The news appeared on the front pages of the country's most popular papers. But there were no protests, and many people were more focused on getting ready for a week-long vacation, with government offices closed next week. Many of Bukele's most outspoken critics have fled the country, including an estimated 100 journalists and human rights activists. In July, the country's leading human rights group suspended operations. Bertha Maria Deleon, a lawyer and activist who worked for Bukele from 2015 to 2019, said Bukele's rise to power was fueled by what she saw at the time as a legitimate desire to improve El Salvador. He promised to end corruption after three consecutive presidents were accused of embezzling millions of dollars of public funds. Deleon broke with Bukele after he occupied the parliament in 2020. She said everything he has done since then has been an effort to consolidate power. "Ever since that takeover of parliament, he clearly began to execute the dictators' manual," she said.


Reuters
11 hours ago
- Reuters
Mali ex-prime minister to stand trial over social media post, lawyer says
BAMAKO, Aug 2 (Reuters) - A Malian court has detained and charged former Prime Minister Moussa Mara over a social media post criticising shrinking democratic space under military rule in the West African nation, his lawyer said late Friday. Mara is one of few public figures in the country who has been willing to openly question moves taken this year to dissolve political parties and grant the military government, led by Assimi Goita, a five-year mandate without elections. Last month, authorities formally approved Goita's five-year term and said it could be renewed as many times as necessary as Mali struggles to respond to a long-running jihadist insurgency. Goita assumed power after military coups in 2020 and 2021. Mara had been summoned several times for questioning this month over a social media post dated July 4 expressing solidarity with government critics who have been jailed. On July 21, his lawyer, Mountaga Tall, posted on social media site X that Mara had been barred from boarding a flight to Senegal to participate in a regional conference on peace and security. On Friday, Mara was summoned by a judicial cybercrimes unit, and a prosecutor charged him with offences including undermining the credibility of the state and spreading false information, Tall said in a statement. Mara's trial has been scheduled for September 29, Tall said. A government spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The case against Mara comes amid worsening insecurity in Mali. The past few months have seen a surge of deadly attacks by Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda-linked group that also operates in Burkina Faso and Niger. Analysts say the group's battlefield tactics have grown increasingly sophisticated and that it has amassed substantial resources through raids on military posts, cattle rustling, hijacking of goods, kidnappings and taxes on local communities. On Friday, the group said it had ambushed a convoy of Malian soldiers and Russian mercenaries in the Tenenkou locality in central Mali. Mali's army confirmed the ambush in a statement on X. Neither statement gave a death toll.