
EU-Ukraine trade reset: what comes after tariff-free access expires?
This offered a critical lifeline access to European markets for Ukrainian producers, especially for agricultural commodities such as grains, maize, eggs, and poultry, sustaining the country's wartime economy.
However, the ATM scheme is due to expire tomorrow (5 June), and it cannot be renewed, having already been extended once.
Despite efforts since late 2024, the European Commission has failed to secure a permanent or improved replacement, leaving both Ukrainian exporters and EU policymakers scrambling.
This delay has frustrated several EU member states, many of whom had expected the Commission to secure a sustainable agreement with Ukraine ahead of the expiration deadline.
The political timing didn't help: The Commission faced considerable pressure to avoid inflaming domestic tensions, particularly in Poland, where farmers have protested against the influx of Ukrainian imports.
With Poland's presidential elections now behind, Brussels hopes negotiations for a longer-term trade framework can finally move forward.
What happens when the tariff-free scheme expires? The most immediate consequence is the reintroduction of tariffs on Ukrainian agricultural goods.
In practical terms, this resets trade conditions between Ukraine and the EU to the situation before Russia's 2022 invasion, with tariff lines and quotas from the pre-ATM era reinstated.
According to Ukrainian officials, this could cost the country over €3 billion annually in lost export revenue.
Because the year is nearly half over, quota limits will be applied on a seven-twelfths basis for the remainder of 2025, proportionally reflecting the reduced time window.
The impact will be significant. In 2024, nearly 60% of Ukraine's total exports went to the EU, up from just over 39% in 2021, before the ATMs came into force.
The free access to EU markets has been a pillar of Ukraine's economic resilience during wartime, helping to stabilise currency flows and sustain public funding.
The loss of preferential market access is not merely an economic inconvenience: It could have direct consequences for Ukraine's ability to fund its war effort.
Vitalii Koval, Ukraine's minister of agrarian policy and food, highlighted during a recent visit to Brussels that agriculture represents a much larger share of Ukraine's economy than it does in the EU.
One in five Ukrainians works in the agricultural sector, and its performance directly influences national revenues.
Ukrainian MP Yevheniia Kravchuk warned that failure to secure even a partial solution could result in a 1% drop in GDP, further straining the country's wartime finances.
'Ukrainian companies have shifted their markets toward the EU. If exports decrease, tax revenues drop, those same taxes that fund our military,' she told Euronews.
The reintroduction of tariffs is also expected to suppress producer prices, increase market uncertainty and discourage private investment, hampering both recovery and reconstruction efforts in the longer term.
To avoid a sudden rupture in trade flows, the European Commission has prepared transitional measures to apply after the expiration of the ATMs. These were quietly approved two weeks ago by EU ambassadors as a precautionary step, though full details have yet to be published.
A Commission spokesperson described the transitional measures as a 'bridge' to allow time for a more comprehensive review of the EU-Ukraine Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), which is the long-term trade agreement underpinning relations before the ATMs.
Crucially, the Commission has stated that future trade will be based on the DCFTA, not an extension of the emergency ATMs.
This marks a clear shift, disappointing Ukrainian hopes of maintaining the same level of market access they enjoyed under the tariff-free regime.
Negotiations toward a revised DCFTA began formally with a meeting in Brussels on Monday afternoon. While details remain scarce, a Commission spokesperson said more clarity is expected "in the coming days".
Earlier that day, EU ambassadors met to reaffirm the importance of establishing long-term, predictable trade relations with Ukraine, while also ensuring protections for European farmers, a politically sensitive group in several member states.
'It is an extremely important decision to be taken,' said MP Kravchuk. 'When I hear that, since the full-scale invasion, the EU has spent more on Russian gas and oil than on aid to Ukraine—and now we are talking about cutting economic access meaning that Ukraine's economy in the times of war will be shrinking—then it's a questionable position, rather than a partnership one.'
The EU's 27 foreign ministers are scheduled to meet their Israeli counterparts on 23 June for an EU-Southern Neighbourhood ministerial meeting which is aimed at deepening the bloc's cooperation with Israel as well as nine other southern partners including Algeria, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria and Tunisia.
'The objective is for Israeli representatives to be present at the meeting,' a senior Israeli official told Euronews, adding that the participation of Gideon Saar, Israel's foreign affairs minister 'is still to be confirmed'.
But the meeting comes at a time of unprecedented cooling of relations between the EU and Israel following the country's blockage of food from entering into Gaza and after Palestinian health officials and witnesses alleged recent shootings by Israeli soldiers of Palestinians headed for humanitarian aid sites. The Israeli army has said it fired 'near a few individual suspects' who left the designated route, approached its forces and ignored warning shots.
The meeting also comes after the EU's foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas stated in late May that the bloc would examine if Israel has violated its human rights obligations under Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which defines the trading and diplomatic relations between both sides.
No timeline has been fixed for the review, which will be conducted by the EU's external action service (EEAS). Israeli foreign ministry spokesperson Oren Marmorstein has "completely" rejected the direction taken in Kallas' statement, saying it reflected "a total misunderstanding of the complex reality Israel is facing".
The Netherlands, which tabled the move and is considered a firm ally of Israel, said that Israel's 'humanitarian blockade' on Gaza, where a limited quantity of critical supplies entered for the first time in more than eleven weeks on Monday, is in "violation of international humanitarian law" and therefore of Article 2.
An EU official said that the 23 June meeting involving Israel will not be a forum to discuss the ongoing war in Gaza but a routine gathering conducted under the EU's Southern Neighbourhood partnership, which is meant to strengthen existing cooperation with 10 southern neighbours on a wide range of issues, including governance, climate change, economic development, energy and migration. In addition, the EU is Israel's biggest trade partner, with the trading relationship valued at more than €45 billion each year.
The EU's Southern Neighbourhood partnership derives from the 1995 Barcelona Declaration which committed to turn the Mediterranean into 'an area of dialogue, exchange and cooperation, guaranteeing peace, stability and prosperity', according to an official Commission document. In 2020, trade between the EU and the region represented €149.4 billion and the bloc's imports were worth €58.0 billion.
In 2021, the EU 27 agreed to strengthen their partnership with the Southern Neighbourhood following the COVID-19 pandemic and meet their counterparts every year. Their cooperation is based on 'good governance, human rights and fundamental freedoms promotion and protection, democratic institutions and the rule of law", according to 2021 European Council summit conclusions.
One of the last EU-Southern Neighbourhood ministerial meetings took place in 2022 in Barcelona, where participants discussed regional cooperation as well as the war in Ukraine.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Euronews
3 hours ago
- Euronews
Huawei's paradox in Spain: No to 5G, yes to wiretaps
The Spanish Interior Ministry contracts worth €12.3 million to Chinese tech firm Huawei for the management of the storage of judicial wiretaps. The decision is part of the centralised tenders agreement between 2021 and 2025 and includes the digital custody of interceptions ordered by judges and prosecutors, such as, for example, the Villarejo audios or those provided by the Central Operational Unit (UCO) in the Koldo corruption case. The system used, according to Spanish media outlet 'The Objective', is the Huawei OceanStor 6800 V5, a line of high-performance storage servers that serves as a support to preserve and classify communications legally intercepted by state security forces. The award was processed following the established public procedures and complies with the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) security guidelines of the National Cryptologic Centre (CCN-STIC). This is not the first time that Huawei has participated in sensitive Spanish systems. The Asian company has already provided technological support within the legal interception systems (SITEL), which has generated growing unease in sectors of the National Police and the Civil Guard. Internal sources inboth bodies express their concern at what they consider to be a "strategic incongruity" in security matters: while extreme caution is being exercised with foreign programmes, critical data is being entrusted to a company linked to the Chinese Communist Party. The OceanStor model acquired by Spain is a high-end enterprise storage system, designed to manage large volumes of data with high availability. Its main competitive advantage is that it is cheaper than its Western competitors such as Dell EMC, IBM and Hitachi, which has favoured its expansion in several countries. European veto and international pressures The Spanish position contrasts sharply with the European and Western trend. The European Union has intensified pressure on Spain to tighten its regulations against Chinese suppliers following the pact reached by Germany to progressively dismantle Huawei and ZTE's infrastructures. Germany reached an agreement with its main operators (Deutsche Telekom, Telefónica and Vodafone) to phase out these high-risk components. The German regulation sets a replacement schedule that calls for a review of "critical software components" by the end of 2026 and a replacement of "critical functions" by the end of 2029. This German strategy follows that adopted by Portugal, which in June placed bans on all non-EU, NATO and OECD suppliers. Portugal did not block specific companies, but entire nationalities in order to safeguard its networks against security risks. In the EU as a whole, ten countries have already imposed restrictions. The UK and Sweden directly banned Chinese suppliers from their core 5G networks, while France, without making a public list, has excluded all Chinese suppliers from its local companies' networks. Washington and Brussels have been blunt in their stance. Since the Trump era, the US administration has maintained a total veto on Huawei's participation in telecommunications networks. In 2020, the European Commission recommended that its member states exclude "high-risk" providers from 5G deployments. The current state of play in Spain: de facto veto without explicit prohibition Despite the Spanish government's official reluctance to specifically target companies such as Huawei or countries such as China, the reality of the Spanish market has changed dramatically. Telefónica has awarded Nokia the last part of its 5G core, completing the removal of Huawei from critical Spanish networks. This move culminates the unofficial banishment of the Chinese giant from critical telecoms infrastructure in Spain, without the need for an explicit government veto. In 2019, Telefónica had chosen Huawei for its 5G core, but international pressures forced an immediate change of course. The current situation for Spain's big three operators is clear: all have ousted Huawei from their network cores. Telefónica split it between Nokia and Ericsson, Orange awarded it to Ericsson, and Vodafone chose Nokia. Huawei's presence in the 5G cores of the big three Spanish operators has been reduced to 0%. Huawei's exit from the Spanish market has been accelerated not only by corporate decisions but also by public policy. Although it maintains a significant presence in the radio networks of some operators (such as 70% in Vodafone), its exclusion from public support for rural 5G through an indirect veto has been decisive. This government strategy, which requires avoiding "high-risk suppliers" in order to access public funds, led Huawei to file a lawsuit before the Audiencia Nacional. The replacement process requires caution and precision, following a meticulous schedule by phases and regions to avoid service interruptions. A paradox reflecting geopolitical tensions The Spanish case with Huawei has become an example of how geopolitics changes the technological map of a country without the need for outright bans. While the 5G network core, the brain that manages all user connections and data, is considered critical infrastructure for national security, paradoxically, trust in the Chinese company to manage judicial wiretapping is maintained. The Minister of Digital Transformation, José Luis Escrivá, said in a statement to 'The Objective' that Spain has no plans to draw up a list of high-risk suppliers, a prerogative included in the 5G cybersecurity law that two years later has not been developed. This position has a twofold objective: not to single out Chinese suppliers and to maintain a "silver bullet" to act if the geopolitical situation worsens. Diplomatic rapprochement has also been visible. Spain and China have redoubled their cooperation following the landing of electric car manufacturer Chery in Barcelona and with MG sounding out Galicia to set up in Europe. The Spanish government does not want to undermine these investments by targeting Beijing's main technology companies. Pedro Sánchez has been, within the EU, one of the most favourable leaders to Huawei's presence, publicly defending that the company should not be excluded because of its country of origin. This position contrasts with the pressure that Brussels has been exerting on Spain over the last two years, without any visible effect.


France 24
3 hours ago
- France 24
Macron to raise defence targets in Bastille Day address
05:55 13/07/2025 Paris police to deploy en masse ahead of PSG game France 13/07/2025 Fireworks are out, drawings are in: France to celebrate Bastille Day with lights France 12/07/2025 France agrees to New Caledonia state for overseas territory France 12/07/2025 France's Carnac stones vie for UNESCO world heritage list spot France 10/07/2025 As Marseille reels from early summer wildfire, France rolls back environmental protections Europe 09/07/2025 Paris' red-light district Pigalle turned into hipster heaven France 09/07/2025 French police raid far-right party HQ over campaign financing France 09/07/2025 'Worrying': Single EU member states make asylum agreements with other countries Europe 09/07/2025 EU probes far-right political group over alleged misuse of funds France


France 24
3 hours ago
- France 24
'Surviving the heat': Navajo Nation's long struggle for electricity
01:46 13/07/2025 'Bizarre nonsense': Trump threatens EU, Mexico with 30 percent tariffs Americas 13/07/2025 How Trump remembers – and immortalises – the attempt on his life one year ago Americas 13/07/2025 Mexico eyes uncertainty as US announces 30 percent tariffs Americas 13/07/2025 Trump announces 30 percent tariffs on EU, Mexico imports Americas 12/07/2025 Haiti gang violence claims 5,000 lives in less than a year, UN report shows Americas 12/07/2025 US State Department lays off more than 1,300 employees Americas 11/07/2025 US Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke to Chinese FM at Asia summit Asia / Pacific 11/07/2025 US Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks at ASEAN summit in Malaysia Asia / Pacific