Assam: 81 ‘anti-nationals' arrested for ‘sympathising' with Pakistan after Pahalgam attack, says CM
The Bharatiya Janata Party leader said that the latest arrests included a person named Mohammed Dilbar Hussain from Sonitpur and another named Hafizur Rahman from Kamrup. 'Our systems are constantly tracking anti-national posts on social media and taking action,' he added on X.
The attack at Baisaran near Pahalgam town on April 22 left 26 persons dead and 17 injured. The terrorists targeted tourists after asking their names to ascertain their religion, the police said. All but three of those killed were Hindu.
Since the attack, the BJP government in Assam has been arresting persons accused of 'defending Pakistan' through social media posts or public remarks.
81 Anti-Nationals are now behind bars for sympathising with Pak | #Update | 1 June
1️⃣ @SonitpurPolice arrested Md Dilbar Hussain
2️⃣ @KamrupPolice arrested Hafizur Rahman
Our systems are constantly tracking anti-national posts on social media and taking actions.
— Himanta Biswa Sarma (@himantabiswa) June 1, 2025
On April 24, Sarma had said that the state would take action against anyone directly or indirectly defending the 'horrific, Pakistan-sponsored terror attack in Pahalgam'.
This came after Opposition All India United Democratic Front MLA Aminul Islam was arrested on sedition charges for claiming that the Pahalgam attack and the 2019 Pulwama attack may have been the results of conspiracies by Bharatiya Janata Party leaders.
Islam got bail in the sedition case on May 14, but was detained again under the National Security Act on the same day, PTI reported.
The Act allows for long periods of detention without trial and suspends important rights of the accused person, including the right to legal representation and immediate information about the cause of the arrest.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Indian Express
26 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Tipra Motha activists attack BJP workers while latter were listening to PM Modi's ‘Mann ki Baat' program; 9 injured
A group of Tipra Motha workers attacked supporters of ally BJP at Asharambari in Khowai district of Tripura on Sunday, injuring nine saffron party workers and damaging scores of vehicles. Asked about the incident, an officer at the state police headquarters in Agartala said, 'As per our latest reports, nine people were injured. A case will be lodged at the local police station and legal action will be taken.' Reacting to the attack, BJP tribal leader Bipin Debbarma said, 'Our supporters and leaders were listening to PM Modi's 'Mann Ki Baat' program, when they were attacked by hooligans from the Tipra Motha party who were armed with machetes, axes, and country-made guns. They intended to murder BJP supporters. At least 10 to 15 motorcycles were damaged in the incident, and two cars sustained heavy damage.' The tribal leader said a detailed report of the incident has been sent to Tripura Chief Minister Dr Manik Saha and state BJP chief Rajib Bhattacharya, and they have assured to bring the culprits to book and provide necessary treatment to the injured. Sunit Sarkar, Media In-Charge, BJP Tripura unit, told media persons that Tipra Motha minister Animesh Debbarma was looking into the matter. Animesh Debbarma is the local Asharambari MLA. Meanwhile, Tipra Motha supremo Pradyot Kishore Manikya Debbarma went 'Live' on Facebook and criticised his own party workers for the attack. 'I don't want political violence in Tripura. If tribals keep fighting each other in the name of flags, one day flags will be all that's left, land will be lost. You can do politics two months before the elections. Till then, keep thansa (unity) as tribals… Politics of violence will not give us anything,' Pradyot Kishore said. Pradyot Kishore then said that Naga people are united across party lines, but tribals in Tripura are not united. He also alleged that former CPM leaders are joining the BJP and the Tipra Motha and are trying to foment a crisis, and urged both parties to stay wary of such political elements. Speaking to he later said, 'I don't want our party's name to be dragged into such conflicts. If anything, Tipra Motha and the BJP should come together and fight against illegal immigration from Bangladesh and Myanmar.'
The Hindu
26 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Protection against misuse: on POCSO Act, adolescent sex
The key objective of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 is the protection of children, but over the past few years, courts around the country and rights activists have called for some exemptions. Noticing a trend that adolescents, above 15 years but under 18, in voluntary relationships and having consensual sex were often being persecuted, the courts sought a review. In that backdrop, senior advocate Indira Jaising's written submission to the Supreme Court that consensual sex between teenagers aged 16-18 years must not be criminalised is a welcome move. She was appointed amicus curiae and her submissions are part of a petition filed by advocate Nipun Saxena. Her brief challenged the designation of 18 years as the age of consent. She said the only solution lies in declaring that sex between consenting adolescents between the age of 16, an almost universal age of sexual maturity, and 18, is not a form of 'abuse'. Ms. Jaising called for this exception to be read into the POCSO Act and Section 63 (sexual offences), of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). 'Such an exception would preserve the protective intent of the statute while preventing its misuse against adolescent relationships that are not exploitative in nature,' she said. In a 2023 report, the Law Commission had said that it was against changing the age of consent. It advised 'guided judicial discretion' instead, while sentencing in cases that involve children between 16 and 18 years in a voluntary, consensual relationship. Under the POCSO Act and under several provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the BNS, whoever commits a penetrative sexual assault on a child — who is anyone below 18 years — can face stringent punishment under Section 6 of the POCSO Act, Section 9 of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, and provisions of the IPC and BNS. A 16-year-old is considered a 'child' under Section 2(d) of the POCSO Act and hence her consent does not matter. But caveats have to be put in place so that the broad intent of the law is adhered to, as the Madras High Court suggested in 2021, in Vijayalakshmi vs State Rep. The High Court said the age difference in consensual relationships should not be more than five years to ensure that a girl of an impressionable age is not taken advantage of by an older person. Educating adolescents about the law on sexual offences and its consequences is a must too. Criminalising normal adolescent behaviour is not the way to protect against non-consensual, exploitative sexual offences.
The Hindu
26 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Decoding the Jan Suraaj Party hype
Last year, Prashant Kishor transitioned from his consultant role into the dynamic arena of electoral politics. With Bihar going to the polls in October, it will be intriguing to observe how a strategist, believed to have masterminded some important political successes, will perform when he contests an election himself. Mr. Kishor, leader of the Jan Suraaj Party (JSP), points out four factors which makes the BJP a formidable electoral force: its Hindutva ideology that serves as an emotional anchor, Narendra Modi's grand narrative of India becoming a global superpower, the creation of millions of direct beneficiaries through welfare schemes, and the sheer financial and organisational strength of the party. Mr. Kishor has asserted that to defeat BJP, one would need to defeat it at least on three of the four accounts. So, how well placed is the JSP to challenge the BJP on these factors? First, ideologically, the BJP's Hindutva claim isn't just a political position; it has become an emotional ecosystem that gives people identity, purpose, and a sense of belonging to something larger than themselves. The JSP's approach has been to focus on Bihar's regional identity and development aspirations while staying studiously secular. It is intellectually honest, sure, but could it be politically naïve given that religious identity in contemporary politics has become increasingly central to how people see themselves politically? Second, Mr. Kishor's 'Bihar Badlav (Bihar Change)' campaign is receiving traction. The messaging is positive: Bihar doesn't need to wait for Delhi's permission to prosper; the State has its own strengths and possibilities. What it needs is leadership that believes in those possibilities. This seems to be resonating with some voters. This narrative is distinct from the BJP's nationalism and the traditional Opposition's criticism. Whether it is enough remains to be seen. Third, pricking a hole in the BJP's beneficiary schemes may be tedious. When a farmer gets his PM Kisan installments, or when a woman gets her Ujjwala gas connection, or when a family gets healthcare through Ayushman Bharat, they are not just receiving benefits; they are entering into a relationship with the government that makes them stakeholders in its success. Can the JSP's promise be enough to attract the voters to vote for it? Fourth, the ability of the JSP to match the BJP's and RJD's organisational structure needs to be looked at. The JSP has been able to create some ground level connects via its leaders' padyatra, but this will be put to test particularly closer to elections. The BJP-led NDA has financial resources, RSS volunteers, sophisticated data analytics, and technological infrastructure that can micro-target individual voters. The RJD has decades of organisational depth and established networks across every village in Bihar and JSP has Mr. Kishor's strategic mind. Will that be enough to challenge the NDA and the Mahagathbandhan? Another important challenge for the JSP is about how the party will be able to challenge dynastic heirs such as Tejashwi Yadav and Chirag Paswan. What makes Mr. Yadav particularly formidable is his younger age, party's organisational strength, and experience. His welfare promises are specific and credible because he has the organisational capacity to deliver them. His focus on employment and migration directly addresses voters' primary concerns. And his consistent opposition to Nitish Kumar's alliance-hopping has given him a reputation for stability that the JSP, as a new entrant, cannot claim. The BJP may find it difficult to put up a young face given its present leadership in Bihar, but JD(U) might prop up a young face such as Nitish Kumar's son Nishant Kumar or Manish Verma, a former IAS officer. At this moment, the picture seems encouraging as the JSP is generating discussion and media attention, but also sobering, since Mr. Kishor may turn out to be an influential voice rather than a decisive force. In a fragmented electoral landscape, the JSP might eventually end up being a kingmaker if neither major alliance achieves a clear majority. This could provide it with disproportionate influence relative to its electoral performance and create opportunities for future growth. Sanjay Kumar is a Professor at the Centre for Studies of Developing Societies and Chandrachur Singh is a Professor of Political Science at Hindu College, University of Delhi. Views expressed are personal
