logo
Upcoming Kazipet Railway Manufacturing Unit to make train sets for export

Upcoming Kazipet Railway Manufacturing Unit to make train sets for export

The Hindu3 days ago
Union Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw has said indigenously made 150 Vandebharat trains are slated for export with the first train set already flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. More railway rolling stock, including metro coaches, are getting export orders and the upcoming ₹521.26 crore mega Kazipet Railway Manufacturing Unit is going to play a key role once it is commissioned in 2026, he told the media at the factory site on Saturday (July 19, 2025).
What will be manufactured there?
The civil works will be completed by December as there is good progress in the factory construction which is being built with a flexible design to manufacture engines, coaches, wagons and metro train sets, said the Minister.
Direct employment to 3,000 people
Union Minister for Coal & Mines G Kishan Reddy said the railway unit will provide direct employment to about 3,000 persons and indirect jobs to many more with region expected to benefit economically with several ancillary industries likely to come up.
Locals will be considered for employment with State government recommendation. Relief and rehabilitation measures for affected farmers will be done through the district collector, he said. Mr. Reddy thanked Prime Minister Modi and Mr. Vaishnaw for allocating the factory to Warangal and Telangana.
It was a reflection of Centre's commitment towards development of the region and those questioning him and his party for contribution to the State should witness the unit, he said.
The Prime Minister had laid the foundation stone for the facility two years ago on July 2023. The project was entrusted to Rail Vikas Nigam Limited (RVNL) on turnkey basis with project execution by PowerMech-Taikishna JV.
Full fledged rail manufacturing unit
From initial plan to make rolling stock of different varieties, it was decided to make the facility into a full fledged Rail Manufacturing Unit which will also make 200 MEMU train (mainline electric multiple units) rakes of 16 cars each, said railway officials.
Spread over 160.04 acres
The manufacturing unit is coming up on a 160.04 acres of land provided by the State Government with pre-engineered shed of 60,933 sq.mts. A main shop floor with four bays, 13 km of internal rail network, 1 mwp shed roof solar plant, etc., will form part of the project.
The MEMU rakes to be made here will be equipped with three phase propulsion system with operating speed of 130 kmph. They will be equipped with automatic door closing, non AC enclosure with roof top ventilation along with LED displays and Kavach - automatic train protection system, they added.
The Ministers duo later in the evening flagged off the inaugural run of daily train between Kacheguda and Jodhpur in the presence of senior railway officials.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The Rhetoric of Social Justice Ignores the Need for it
The Rhetoric of Social Justice Ignores the Need for it

The Wire

time22 minutes ago

  • The Wire

The Rhetoric of Social Justice Ignores the Need for it

Since the general elections of 2019, national and regional parties, especially the Congress party, have increasingly woven social justice into their political narratives, promising empowerment through the constitutional ideals of inclusive governance. As Bihar gears up for its assembly elections, the discourse on social justice has again taken centre stage, often reprimanding the ruling political class for the non-implementation of social justice policies. The Union government's recent announcement to conduct a caste census signals an intent to better understand India's complex social stratification, aiming to craft targeted welfare policies for the marginalised communities, particularly the Other Backward Classes. Though the democratic discourse is infatuated with the agenda of social justice there is a visible gap between rhetoric and reality. The continued marginalisation of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes from the sphere of power and privileges, raise questions about the commitment of the state and the political elites to bring transformative change in their lives. The Indian constitution lays a robust framework for uplifting SCs and STs through three key pillars: protection from social humiliation and exploitation with provisions like the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, ensuring that their social dignity and civic rights are safeguarded, equitable representation through reservations in state institutions that allows these groups to avail themselves crucial positions of power and privileges in governance, and last, advancing economic empowerment via dedicated budgetary provisions and policy initiatives. Policy measures like the special component plan for SCs and STs in the state budget were introduced to ensure financial assistance for the economic empowerment of these sections. However, implementation has been inconsistent on all three fronts, often with token value, leaving large sections of these communities outside the ambit of social justice policies. Persistent social injustices Despite substantive legal safeguards like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, caste-based discrimination persists. The National Crime Records Bureau recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs and 10,062 against STs in 2022, reflecting deep-rooted systemic oppression and the limit of the state machinery to curb the menace. From rural areas, where Dalit people face violence for minor assertions of dignity, to urban centres, where discrimination in housing and employment is rampant, caste continues to shape access to opportunities. Such incidents are witnessed even in the arena of state institutions like universities (the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula) and legislative bodies (which see little discussion on the issues of caste-based violence). This underscores the failure of the governing classes to enforce protective measures effectively. Reservation: A partial success The reservation policy, designed to ensure SC and ST representation in state institutions, has seen uneven progress. While lower-level posts (Group C and D) in public sector units like railways and banks are often filled, senior positions remain largely inaccessible to marginalised groups even now. Especially in higher education, leadership roles such as vice-chancellors and professors are predominantly occupied by unreserved categories, highlighting structural barriers. Similarly, in the higher judiciary, SC and ST representation among judges and key functionaries is negligible, undermining the promise of equitable participation. The downsizing of public sector units has further eroded opportunities for reserved posts, exacerbating their economic exclusion. The positions of power and privileges in major state institutions are dominated by the social elites. Further, the political class and civil society have failed to engage in crucial deliberation to make private economy more inclusive with the increased participation Dalit and Adivasis. They mostly survive as the precarious labour class, distanced from the entitlements and privileges enjoyed by the middle-class. Economic marginalisation One of the major objectives of the special component plan for SCs and STs is to provide income generating assets and skill so as to enable the marginalised social groups to have a sustained economic upliftment. It intends to advance composite economic development programmes to elevate their class position. Even such a significant initiative has often been reduced to a symbolic gesture today. Exclusive funds meant for SC and ST welfare are frequently underutilised or diverted, with successive governments failing to prioritise these allocations for a substantive welfare of these groups. Under the current Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government, this trend has continued, with flagship schemes for the general welfare of all (like the Jan Dhan Yojana) overshadowing the targeted welfare schemes and policies meant for marginalised groups. There are negligible initiatives to examine the precarious economic conditions of Dalits and introduce effective public policies and schemes for their empowerment and mobility. Beyond political rhetoric of social justice As social justice becomes a rallying cry in electoral politics, its transformative potential remains limited without concrete action. The constitutional framework, though robust, requires rigorous implementation through executive accountability and policy innovation. Political parties must move beyond populist rhetoric and prioritise social justice as a core governance agenda. While the ruling dispensation under the BJP has often pledged to uphold the ideals of social justice, its decade-long tenure has seen a steady rise in caste-based violence and a dilution of policies aimed at SC and ST upliftment. Though at the symbolic level it offered prominent political gestures (like naming Draupadi Murmu the president of India), there is an absence of new initiatives to enhance their representation in public and private sectors. The growing political rhetoric on social justice shall complement with substantive executive orders and fair implementation of policies. However, the governing elites hardly felt any moral pressure to perform under constitutional directives. Further, within the democratic polity, the Dalit-Adivasi claims for social justice and inclusivity have weakened or relegated to negligible space. Their movements are quelled and not allowed to flourish. Without a popular movement and mobilisation of Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan groups, political elites would always hesitate to execute effective programmes for their welfare. The growing marginalisation of Dalits and Adivasis from the national discourse has allowed the traditional elites to dominate decision-making process and to neglect the social justice agenda. The future The national political discourse shall revolve around the welfare, security and advancement of the Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan communities, ensuring their equitable participation in positions of power and privileges. The BJP and the Congress offer a visible space to the idea of social justice in their political manifestos, but overtly hesitate to ensure its appropriate implementation. To actualise the potentials of a social justice agenda, India needs a governing class that is sensitive and committed to the welfare of the marginalised social groups in a substantive manner. Further, there is a crucial need to amplify the Dalit and Adivasi voices for social justice, enabling new movements to drive national discourse for policy reforms. Finally, the social justice discourse needs to move beyond the claim for representation in public institutions and democratic polity. It needs to examine other spheres of power and privileges (like market economy, cultural industry, sports establishments, and so on) which are overtly dominated by the conventional ruling classes. The social justice agenda needs to be applicable to a broader arena of power to make it more diverse and representative through the participation of Dalit, Adivasi and Bahujan groups. Harish S. Wankhede is Assistant Professor, Center for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Jagdeep Dhankhar's tenure as West Bengal Governor was a constitutional flashpoint
Jagdeep Dhankhar's tenure as West Bengal Governor was a constitutional flashpoint

Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • Indian Express

Jagdeep Dhankhar's tenure as West Bengal Governor was a constitutional flashpoint

The office of the Governor in India's constitutional architecture occupies a unique and often delicate space. The tenure of Jagdeep Dhankhar, who resigned as Vice President of India last night, as Governor of West Bengal is a classic example of how that delicate space can cause conflict between two offices. As the nominal head of a state, the Governor is expected to function as a vital link to the Union, a custodian of the Constitution, and a guide to the elected government. This role has an inherent tension: How to perform these duties, particularly on constitutional oversight, without being perceived as encroaching upon the democratic mandate of the state legislature and executive. Dhankhar's role as Governor of WB brought this tension into sharp public focus. A defining feature was his prolific use of public platforms, most notably Twitter, to communicate his views and question the state government's actions. This marked a departure from constitutional tradition and practice, that gubernatorial advice and concerns are best offered in private consultation with the Chief Minister. By taking his critiques of administrative and policy matters directly to the public sphere, Jagdeep Dhankhar created a dynamic of constant, open friction with the Mamata Banerjee government, fundamentally altering the nature of their constitutional engagement. On the issue of law and order, Dhankhar was a persistent critic, frequently summoning senior police officials and issuing statements that questioned the state's administrative capacity. Following the 2021 Assembly elections, his visits to areas affected by post-poll violence were presented as a response to a constitutional crisis. However, these actions were met with accusations from the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) that the Raj Bhavan was acting in a partisan manner, with his pronouncements often aligning closely with the narrative of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the opposition in the state. This friction extended deep into the legislative domain. The Governor's power to grant or withhold assent to bills passed by the legislature is a constitutional check, but it is meant to be exercised with utmost restraint. During his tenure, several bills, including the crucial Howrah Municipal Corporation (Amendment) Bill, remained pending at the Raj Bhavan for extended state government argued that such delays amounted to an obstruction of the legislative will of the people. To appreciate the distinctiveness of this approach, it is instructive to contrast it with the gubernatorial style of Gopal Krishna Gandhi, who served in West Bengal from 2004 to 2009. Gandhi, a seasoned diplomat and scholar, presided during an equally, if not more, volatile period. His interventions, however, were rooted in what could be described as constitutional quietude and moral suasion. He engaged in firm, but discreet, dialogue with the then Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. He sought to be a mediator, a calming influence who could facilitate talks between the government and the Opposition, then led by Mamata Banerjee. The contrast is one of method: One chose public scrutiny as the primary tool of accountability, the other chose private counsel and moral authority. While one contextualises Jagdeep Dhankhar's tenure, it cannot be divorced from the prevailing national political climate, characterised by intense competition between the BJP-led central government and powerful regional parties such as the TMC. His actions in West Bengal were seen by many observers as part of a pattern in Opposition-ruled states where the Raj Bhavan became a key site of political contestation. This aligns with the long-standing debate over the role of the Governor, with bodies like the Sarkaria Commission having cautioned decades ago against appointing active politicians to the post to prevent the office from being used for partisan ends. The governorship of Dhankhar in West Bengal was a tenure that consistently tested the established conventions of India's federal democracy. By adopting a posture of public and persistent opposition to the elected state government, his term forced a debate on the very nature of the Governor's role. It highlighted a fundamental divergence in approach from predecessors like Gopal Krishna Gandhi, who operated on the principle of dignified detachment and mediation. The legacy of Jagdeep Dhankhar's term in West Bengal is, therefore, one that brought critical questions to the fore, one that continues to play out in other states: Where does a Governor's duty to uphold the Constitution end and political interference begin? And what are the long-term institutional consequences when the Raj Bhavan is perceived not as a neutral umpire, but as a player in the political arena? The author is a political anthropologist and teaches in Dr APJ Abdul Kalam Government College, Kolkata

He got many opportunities to serve India: PM after Jagdeep Dhankhar's resignation
He got many opportunities to serve India: PM after Jagdeep Dhankhar's resignation

India Today

timean hour ago

  • India Today

He got many opportunities to serve India: PM after Jagdeep Dhankhar's resignation

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Tuesday said that Jagdeep Dhankhar has had "many opportunities to serve the country in various capacities", a remark that came hours after the Vice President resigned from his post citing health a message posted in Hindi and English, PM Modi said, "Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar Ji has got many opportunities to serve our country in various capacities, including as the Vice President of India. Wishing him good health".advertisementDhankhar's sudden resignation on Monday evening has triggered speculation in political circles. In a letter addressed to President Droupadi Murmu, the 74-year-old leader said he was stepping down with immediate effect to "prioritise health care", in line with medical advice. "To prioritise health care and abide by medical advice, I hereby resign as Vice President of India, effective immediately, in accordance with Article 67(a) of the Constitution," Dhankhar wrote in his letter to the took over as 14th Vice President of India in August 2022 and was expected to serve a five-year term till August 2027. His resignation, which also means stepping down as Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, came on the opening day of the Monsoon session of Parliament.- Ends

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store