
Rare earth magnet making to get a ₹1,345 crore govt push
The subsidy scheme is being discussed by various ministries, heavy industries minister H.D. Kumaraswamy said, adding the final proposal will be sent to the Union cabinet.
"We have sent the first outline for inter-ministerial consultation," Kumaraswamy said in response to a query about rare earth magnets.
Mint had reported on 17 June that an incentive programme for processing rare earth oxides and producing permanent magnets was in the works.
Heavy industries secretary Kamran Rizvi said that incentives will be given to two manufacturers who can process rare earth magnets from rare earth oxides. The scheme will be for end-to-end processing of rare earth magnets, he said.
The scheme comes as a response to an export control order issued by the Chinese commerce ministry in April, which led to a massive supply crunch of rare earth magnets widely used in electronic gadgets, automobiles and heavy machinery.
China commands 90-95% of the world's rare earth metal processing capacity, allowing it to use its exports to its own advantage. Rare earth elements and their products are used in strategic sectors such as renewable energy, clean mobility and electronics.
India has also flagged the disruption of supply chains on the global stage. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on 7 July at the 17th Brics conference that making critical mineral supply chains reliable is critical, and that no one country uses these resources for its own selfish gains or as a weapon against others.
"We need to work together to make supply chains for critical minerals and technology secure and reliable. It's important to ensure that no country uses these resources for its own selfish gain or as a weapon against others," Modi had said.
India is also part of the Quad Critical Minerals Initiative, where the US, Australia, Japan and India have pledged to work together to secure and diversify supply chains on 2 July.
IREL, a state-owned company, is the sole refiner of rare earths in India, with a capacity to make about 1,500 tonnes of rare earth magnets a year.
Mint reported on 24 June that the government had received proposals during consultations with stakeholders for funding about 20-50% of the cost of processing rare earths to make magnets.
'Rare earths are relatively abundant in the earth's crust, but mineable concentrations are less common than for most other mineral commodities,' said the 2025 US Geological Survey, adding that substitutes to rare earths are available for many applications but generally are less effective.
Rare earth magnets, such as neodymium-iron-boron, are used in advanced automotive applications. They are essential components in traction motors for electric vehicles, and in power steering motors in passenger vehicles for both electric and fossil fuel-based vehicles.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Mint
11 minutes ago
- Mint
Adani Group denies any collaboration reports with BYD and Beijing Welion New Energy Technology
Adani Group on Monday strongly refuted recent media reports suggesting any form of collaboration with Chinese companies BYD or Beijing WeLion New Energy Technology for battery manufacturing or clean energy ventures in India. In an official filing to the stock exchanges, Adani Enterprises Ltd — the flagship entity of the conglomerate — dismissed the report published by Bloomberg on August 4, 2025, which claimed that the group was exploring strategic partnerships with the two Chinese firms. 'No collaboration being explored,' says Adani Group 'We categorically deny Bloomberg's report suggesting a tie-up between the Adani Group and Chinese companies BYD and Beijing Welion New Energy Technology. This report is baseless, inaccurate and misleading,' the company said in its statement. The group clarified that it is not exploring any form of collaboration with BYD for battery manufacturing in India, nor is it in discussions with Beijing WeLion for any kind of partnership. Earlier in the day, Bloomberg reported that the Adani Group was in discussions with Chinese electric vehicle (EV) giant BYD to establish a battery manufacturing partnership in India. The potential tie-up, according to the report, was seen as part of Adani's broader strategy to expand into clean energy and lithium-ion cell production. As per the Bloomberg article, Gautam Adani was said to be personally steering the negotiations with BYD, with meetings reportedly taking place as recently as last week. The proposed collaboration aimed to support large-scale manufacturing of lithium-ion batteries, which are vital for both electric mobility and stationary energy storage systems. The report highlighted that Adani's existing dominance in solar power generation, combined with BYD's leadership in battery technology and its position as the world's largest EV seller, made them natural allies in the clean energy space. Bloomberg also pointed out that Chinese firms continue to lead in affordable and advanced rechargeable battery technology, a domain considered crucial for achieving Adani's ambitious green energy goals. Furthermore, the report suggested that these talks were still at an early stage and might not materialize. It also claimed that Adani was exploring similar partnerships with other Chinese renewable energy firms, including Beijing WeLion New Energy Technology, while keeping discussions open with European and South Korean battery manufacturers. However, Chinese players were reportedly offering the most attractive value-for-money proposition. While denying these alleged collaborations, the group reiterated its commitment to India's energy transition through its ongoing clean energy initiatives. Adani Group has built a substantial clean energy portfolio across solar, wind, and green hydrogen verticals. The group is currently expanding its solar module manufacturing capacity to 10 gigawatts (GW) per annum and plans to nearly double its wind turbine production capacity to 5 GW per annum. It is also actively pursuing the development of a facility for manufacturing electrolysers, a critical component used in green hydrogen production. Disclaimer: The views and recommendations made above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, and not of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.


Indian Express
11 minutes ago
- Indian Express
What India can learn from the maritime prowess of the Cholas
By N Manoharan and Diya Parthasarathy In his recent public address at Gangaikonda Cholapuram, Tamil Nadu, Prime Minister Modi pointed out the legacy of the Cholas in various arenas, especially in the maritime domain. But one wonders what the larger context of the Cholas' maritime ventures was, and how relevant it is today. Understanding the Cholas' maritime ventures is necessary to realise India's maritime tradition. Acknowledging this, a decade back, the Centre released a stamp to commemorate the contribution of Cholas in laying 'a strong foundation for promotion of trade, commerce and cultural exchanges which brought fabulous economic prosperity and expansion of Indian culture and heritage across the Indian Ocean to the land of South East Asia.' The Indian Navy undertook the 'Chola Expedition' in 2008 to replicate the 'invasion' of Srivijaya kingdom (Sumatra, Southeast Asia) by Rajendra Chola I in 1017 CE. By comprehending maritime ventures during the Chola period, it is possible to understand the present Chinese ventures in the Indian Ocean under the garb of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Chinese indeed had trade connections, but not in the present form of economically tethering countries along the Maritime Silk Route. There were two main interlinked drivers for the Cholas' maritime projection: Mercantilism and military expansion. At the turn of the first millennium, the trade patterns witnessed a transformation from pre-emporia to emporia. Pre-emporia trade denoted shipping of goods directly from the source of production to the place of consumption. Whereas, the emporia trade pattern meant that several intermediate ports catered to the breaking up of bulk goods for retail sales and purchases. Coinciding with such a change in trade pattern was the rise of 'corporate empires' like the Cholas, the Srivijaya Empire, the Khmer Kingdom of Cambodia, Champa in Vietnam, and the Song Dynasty in China. Varieties of goods were traded among the ports of these regions that included metals, spices, perfumes, cosmetics, precious stones, textiles, and even animals like elephants and horses. Significantly, customs levied on these goods that transited through seas constituted a chunk of the coffers of corporate empires. Though such a financial network gave a kind of order in these 'corporate' empires, it also led to disputes among those empires that tried to arm-twist the transiting trading crafts to serve their economic and political interests. The dispute started when the Srivijayans became avaricious and imposed a high levy for the passage of goods carriers through Southeast Asia. The Cholas did not take it kindly and wanted to get away from the 'Malacca dilemma' posed by the Southeast Asian kingdom. The Srivijaya rulers were also trying to control the land crossing across Kra Isthmus. Rajendra Chola went on to occupy Malaysia to control the Malacca Straits and also acquired Java and Sumatra by defeating Sailendra rulers during his Digvijaya. As China emerged as a leading trading point and market, securing sea lanes of communication became imperative. The Chinese considered the Cholas ('Chulian' by the Chinese) as a 'first-class' trade partner. Chola kings wanted to send a clear message to the Chinese that they would not hesitate to use military options against the obstructing elements (both state and non-state) to ensure the free flow of goods. This 'choke point syndrome' pervades even today, although the Chinese are more worried now than the Indians were then. To achieve the above two objectives, the Cholas depended on a strong and well-organised navy that was built over a period of time. Kings used to get a good deal of their income from trade and could thus afford to maintain a large and powerful navy without exhausting their land revenue base. The Chola Navy consisted of an armada of ships that were constructed and used for trade purposes. According to historical records, the Chola armada comprised destroyers, frigates and battleships. Apart, they used colandia, large expeditionary vessels, and sangara, large oceangoing single log vessels, to transport troops and logistics. These ships had the capability and experience to travel long distances. Kattumarams were small boats of wood tied together to float in shallow waters and to move goods from large ships to shore, and also to make amphibious attacks. The Chola Navy also included a strong intelligence wing to track intrusion of foreign naval forces. The Chola seafarers mostly used winds, heavenly bodies and currents to sail across seas. The kings were said to have encouraged the study of astronomy, geography and cartography as part of their maritime expeditions. A specialised study on the science of shipping and ship-building was patronised and pursued. Apart from commercial and trade interests, there were larger politico-strategic and cultural drivers behind the maritime ventures of the Cholas. They had to prove their might both in peninsular India and in the maritime neighbourhood. They had to protect trade routes and traders of Tamilagam. It was, in fact, a matter of survival and pride. Also, as Saivites, they considered it their religious duty to carry Saivism beyond Indian shores. Such drivers are true in the present context as well. It is intriguing to note why the Cholas did not pay attention to West Asia and Africa as much as they focused on South and Southeast Asia. One wonders whether it was because of the quantum of direction of trade that was flowing mostly from the west to the east, or did the Cholas consider Africa and West Asia beyond their reach? This aspect needs a fresh enquiry. Manoharan is Director, and Diya is a Researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies, Christ University, Bangalore


The Hindu
11 minutes ago
- The Hindu
India, Philippines stage joint sail and naval drill in the disputed South China Sea
India and the Philippines staged joint sail and naval exercises in the disputed South China Sea for the first time, a high-profile military deployment that will likely antagonise China. Beijing has separate territorial disputes with the two Asian democracies and a long-running regional rivalry with New Delhi. Armed Forces of the Philippines chief of staff Gen. Romeo Brawner said on Monday (August 4, 2025) the two-day joint naval sail and exercises which began on Sunday (August 3, 2025) have been successful so far and expressed hopes that Filipino forces could engage India's military in more joint maneuvers in the future. Asked if Chinese forces carried out any action in response, Mr. Brawner said without elaborating that 'we did not experience any untoward incident but we were still shadowed. We expected that already.' 'In past joint patrols with other foreign navies, Chinese navy and coast guard ships have kept watch from a distance,' according to the Philippine military. China has a longstanding land border dispute with India in the Himalayas, which sparked a monthlong war in 1962 and a number of deadly firefights after. Separately, Beijing's expansive claims to virtually the entire South China Sea, a key global trade route, has led to tense confrontations with other claimant States, particularly the Philippines and Vietnam. Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also lay claims to parts of the contested waters. Chinese ship runs aground off Philippines-occupied island in the disputed South China Sea The Philippines has staged naval patrols in the disputed waters with its treaty ally, the United States, and other strategic partners including Japan, Australia, New Zealand and France to promote freedom of navigation and overflight and strengthen deterrence against China. It has allowed journalists to join territorial sea and aerial patrols to witness China's increasingly aggressive actions, provoking angry Chinese reactions. In response to a question last week about Manila's plans to build up military cooperation, China's Ministry of National Defence called the Philippines a 'troublemaker' that has aligned itself with foreign forces to stir up trouble in what China deems its own territorial waters. 'China never wavers in its resolve and will to safeguard national territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests and will take resolute countermeasures against any provocations by the Philippine side,' Defence Ministry spokesperson Col. Zhang Xiaogang said in a news conference. Philippines President Marcos Jr. to visit India as two sides deepen maritime cooperation Mr. Brawner said the Philippines has to boost deterrence to prevent war. 'The way to do that is number one, the Armed Forces of the Philippines has to be strengthened through modernisation and secondly, we need to partner with like-minded nations and that's what we're doing with India,' he said last week. During a reception on board an Indian navy tanker, the INS Shakti, on Thursday (July 31, 2025), Mr. Brawner said the vessel's port call in Manila was more than ceremonial. It 'sends a powerful signal of solidarity, strength in partnership and the energy of cooperation between two vibrant democracies in the Indo-Pacific,' he said. Mr. Brawner welcomed the deepening of relations between the two Asian countries and 'reaffirmed the shared commitment to maritime security, regional stability and a rules-based international order in one of the world's most geopolitically sensitive regions.' Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos left on Monday for a five-day state visit to India for talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other top officials to boost defence, trade and investment, agriculture, tourism and pharmaceutical industry engagements.