Is Vance Louther Boulter really a Trump supporter? MAGA exposes Minnesota shooter friend's major claim
First, the reason for the murder was revealed when police discovered a list of roughly 70 politicians he intended to assassinate. Republicans are now accusing Boelter, who worked for Governor Tim Walz, of being a Democrat supporter. 'No Kings Protest' posters were discovered in his car after he escaped on foot.
The Minnesota shooting suspect's childhood friend David Carlson claimed that Boelter is a Trump supporter and voted for him. His target list mostly had names of liberal and Democratic leaders.
However, MAGA rallied against Carlson after he claimed in a widely shared video that Boelter served Tim Walz but did not like him. The pal added that he also didn't like Jim Biden.
Also Read: Broken windows, shock, tributes: Photos show aftermath of Minnesota shooting as Rep Melissa Hortman, husband killed
According to MAGA, it is impossible to trust someone who couldn't even recall the name of former President Joe Biden to make a declaration about someone's political affiliation.
'He wasn't a Democrat. He didn't like Jim Walz. He didn't like Jim Biden. He listened to InfoWars,' stated Boelter's roommate.
If someone referred to him as a Democrat, the friend said that Boelter would take offense. He was merely helping the community when he served on this board for Governor Walz. He remarked, 'I can't believe a political issue would cause him to do such a thing.'
The friend stated, 'He did not like Jim Walz, he did not like Jim Biden,' alluding to Joe Biden and Tim Walz.
Reacting to Carlson's statement, one Trump supporter wrote: 'Who's Jim Biden?This roommate is totally unreliable, considering Boelter attacked two Democratic lawmakers in separate incidents for supporting Republicans in removing healthcare funding for illegal immigrants.'
'Jim Walz? Lmao,' another stated.
'Such a liar!!! He voted Democrat! Appointed by a Democrat. Wife volunteered for a Democrat. Killed Democrats looking to leave the party!' a third user said.
According to the Brooklyn Park Police Chief, the 43-hour manhunt for Boelter was the 'largest manhunt in the state's history'. At least 200 officers as well as a federal, state, and local partnership were involved in the manhunt.
Boelter was apprehended in a field after he croaked at the arresting cops. No force was used during the arrest, as per reports.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
23 minutes ago
- First Post
New York, Michigan, Iowa...: Is Trump getting desperate to shape US midterms that are due in 2026?
Donald Trump is steering key Republicans away from statewide races to protect the GOP's narrow House majority in 2026 read more As the political calendar turns its attention toward the 2026 US midterm elections, President Donald Trump appears to be exerting increasingly overt control over Republican congressional strategy. In recent weeks, Trump has played a decisive role in shaping GOP candidacies across battleground states like New York, Michigan and Iowa. While his supporters hail this as party discipline in action, many view it as a calculated and possibly desperate attempt to prevent another electoral debacle like the 2018 House flip. The question now looms: is Trump consolidating power or compensating for vulnerability? STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Keeping the House at all costs At the core of Trump's strategy is a single, obsessive goal: protecting the GOP's razor-thin majority in the House of Representatives. Republicans control the chamber by only a handful of seats, a fact not lost on the president. According to reporting by NBC News, Trump has been personally intervening to dissuade vulnerable House Republicans from seeking higher office, thereby keeping reliable incumbents in place. The Associated Press quoted Trump campaign sources as saying that the move marks a departure from earlier cycles where Trump often endorsed insurgent Senate candidates without much concern for broader party dynamics. Now, the emphasis is on unity and incumbency especially in marginal districts. New York: Lawler stays put, Stefanik in waiting One of the clearest examples of this effort unfolded in New York. Congressman Mike Lawler, who represents a swing district in the Hudson Valley that former vice president Kamala Harris won in 2024, recently confirmed he would not challenge Governor Kathy Hochul for the state's top job. While Lawler stressed the decision was his alone, he acknowledged that Trump had 'offered his perspective' during a private meeting. Lawler's re-election campaign was endorsed by Trump in May—an early signal that the president wanted him to stay in the House. Republican strategists see Lawler's decision as critical to retaining the seat in a high-stakes midterm. Meanwhile, this move potentially clears the gubernatorial path for Representative Elise Stefanik, a staunch Trump ally whose name was floated after her nomination to the United Nations ambassadorship was withdrawn. Stefanik has indicated she will reveal her intentions after this fall's elections. As reported by NBC News, her possible candidacy highlights Trump's willingness to elevate allies from safer districts while reinforcing GOP infrastructure where it's most needed. Michigan: Avoiding a GOP civil war Trump's influence is equally visible in Michigan, where Congressman Bill Huizenga opted out of a Senate run after meeting with the president at the White House. The Associated Press revealed that Trump's priority was keeping Huizenga in the House to secure his west Michigan seat, rated 'likely Republican' by the Cook Political Report. Huizenga's exit from the Senate race effectively clears the way for former Congressman Mike Rogers, a Trump-friendly figure who has staffed his campaign with former Trump aides. Though Trump has not yet formally endorsed Rogers, insiders expect that move soon. While Huizenga has not officially announced a re-election bid, GOP operatives suggest his decision—shaped directly by Trump—is part of a broader strategy to avoid intra-party conflict in swing states and to maximise resources toward winnable districts. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Iowa: Nunn bows to Trump's midterm playbook In Iowa, Representative Zach Nunn had been considering a run for governor following Governor Kim Reynolds' decision not to seek re-election. However, after a conversation with Trump, Nunn chose to remain in the House. The district he represents is a Democratic target in 2026, having been won by only four points in the last cycle. Trump's endorsement of Nunn's re-election was quick and emphatic, with sources describing the congressman as a 'team player.' According to NBC News, this move is emblematic of Trump's new playbook which is of convincing lawmakers in contested districts that the national interest of the party outweighs individual ambitions. Representative Randy Feenstra, who holds a safer seat, is now among those considering a gubernatorial run. This supports the notion that Trump is willing to let GOP members seek higher office only when their departure doesn't threaten House control. A calculated silence in the Senate Interestingly, while Trump is taking a hands-on approach with House races, he has remained relatively circumspect when it comes to open Senate contests. In states like Georgia and North Carolina, Trump has not yet waded into contentious primaries. Political observers interpret this as a deliberate contrast to his previous, often chaotic, endorsement patterns. That said, former North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper is widely expected to run for the Senate seat being vacated by Republican Thom Tillis. This could create a high-stakes showdown that may yet draw Trump's attention. For now, his priority appears to be ensuring a stable, loyal and electorally viable House majority. Trump's direct involvement has not gone unnoticed. Senator Tommy Tuberville of Alabama told The Hill that Trump now commands more influence over the Republican Party than any president he's ever seen. Tuberville also issued a warning to dissenters, stating that GOP lawmakers who refuse to align with Trump should prepare to face primary challenges. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, not all Republicans are falling in line. Michigan's Representative John James has chosen to run for governor, a decision that reportedly displeased Trump. During a recent event, Trump jokingly suggested that James shouldn't be allowed to run unless his House seat could be adequately filled. Such moments illustrate the limits of Trump's control—even as most GOP lawmakers seem to heed his directives. As Lawler candidly put it in a media appearance, while Trump's opinion was valuable, 'I didn't get here by doing as told.' Desperation or discipline? Democrats, unsurprisingly, interpret these moves through a lens of weakness. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries framed Trump's interventions as coercion, saying that Republicans are being 'ordered' to stay in place because of their grim electoral prospects. Still, it's hard to ignore the effectiveness of Trump's manoeuvres. He's minimising damaging primaries, bolstering vulnerable districts and testing a more disciplined version of his political machine. This could either be the product of maturity in strategy or of nervous anticipation about what's at stake if the GOP fails to hold the House again. If Trump's campaign is marked by calculation rather than chaos in 2026, it may not be desperation at all but rather a serious, if ruthless, effort to ensure that history does not repeat itself. Whether that's enough to counteract traditional midterm losses remains to be seen. What's clear is that Trump intends to leave nothing to chance. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
New Indian Express
an hour ago
- New Indian Express
Poll finds most US adults still support legal abortion three years after Roe was overturned
Similarly, about half now say abortion should be available in their state when someone doesn't want to continue their pregnancy for any reason — about the same as in June 2021 but down from about 6 in 10 who said that in 2024. Adults in the strictest states are just as likely as others to say abortion should be available in their state to women who want to end pregnancies for any reason. Democrats support abortion access far more than Republicans do. Support for legal abortion has dropped slightly among members of both parties since June 2024, but nearly 9 in 10 Democrats and roughly 4 in 10 Republicans say abortion should be legal in at least most instances. Fallout from state bans influenced some people's positions Seeing what's happened in the aftermath of the ruling has strengthened the abortion rights position of Wilaysha White, a 25-year-old Ohio mom. She has some regrets about the abortion she had when she was homeless. 'I don't think you should be able to get an abortion anytime,' said White, who calls herself a 'semi-Republican.' But she said that hearing about situations — including when a Georgia woman was arrested after a miscarriage and initially charged with concealing a death — is a bigger concern. 'Seeing women being sick and life or death, they're not being put first — that's just scary,' she said. 'I'd rather have it be legal across the board than have that.' Julie Reynolds' strong anti-abortion stance has been cemented for decades and hasn't shifted since Roe was overturned. 'It's a moral issue,' said the 66-year-old Arizona woman, who works part time as a bank teller. She said her view is shaped partly by having obtained an abortion herself when she was in her 20s. 'I would not want a woman to go through that,' she said. 'I live with that every day. I took a life.' Support remains high for legal abortion in certain situations The vast majority of US adults — at least 8 in 10 — continue to say their state should allow legal abortion if a fetal abnormality would prevent the child from surviving outside the womb, if the patient's health is seriously endangered by the pregnancy, or if the person became pregnant as a result of rape or incest. Consistent with AP-NORC's June 2024 poll, about 7 in 10 US adults 'strongly' or 'somewhat' favor protecting access to abortions for patients who are experiencing miscarriages or other pregnancy-related emergencies. In states that have banned or restricted abortion, such medical exceptions have been sharply in focus. This is a major concern for Nicole Jones, a 32-year-old Florida resident. Jones and her husband would like to have children soon. But she said she's worried about access to abortion if there's a fetal abnormality or a condition that would threaten her life in pregnancy since they live in a state that bans most abortions after the first six weeks of gestation. 'What if we needed something?' she asked. 'We'd have to travel out of state or risk my life because of this ban.' Adults support protections for seeking abortions across state lines — but not as strongly There's less consensus on whether states that allow abortion should protect access for women who live in places with bans. Just over half support protecting a patient's right to obtain an abortion in another state and shielding those who provide abortions from fines or prison time. In both cases, relatively few adults — about 2 in 10 — oppose the measures and about 1 in 4 are neutral. More Americans also favor than oppose legal protections for doctors who prescribe and mail abortion pills to patients in states with bans. About 4 in 10 'somewhat' or 'strongly' favor those protections, and roughly 3 in 10 oppose them. Such telehealth prescriptions are a key reason that the number of abortions nationally has risen even as travel for abortion has declined slightly.
NDTV
an hour ago
- NDTV
'Unshakable Proof': Intelligence Chief Gabbard On Trump-Russia Probe
Washington: As the national intelligence director, Tulsi Gabbard is responsible for guarding America's secrets and discovering threats from overseas. But when she made a surprise appearance in the White House briefing room Wednesday, her targets were President Donald Trump's political enemies. Escalating her attempts to undermine the long-settled conclusion that Russia tried to help Trump beat Hillary Clinton for the presidency nearly a decade ago, she unspooled what she called unshakable proof that then-President Barack Obama and his advisers plotted nothing short of a coup. "They conspired to subvert the will of the American people," she said, claiming they fabricated evidence to taint Trump's victory. Little of what she said was new, and much of it was baseless. Gabbard said her investigation into the former Democratic administration was designed to stop the weaponization of national security institutions, but it spurred more questions about her own independence atop a spying system intended to provide unvarnished intelligence. Gabbard, a former Democratic congresswoman from Hawaii who ran for president herself before joining Trump's idiosyncratic political ecosystem, seemed prepared to use her presentation to burnish her own standing. She was trailed by her cinematographer husband, who held a video camera to capture the moment. And Trump, who had previously expressed public doubts about Gabbard's analysis of Iran's nuclear program, appeared satisfied. He posted a video of her remarks, pinning them at the top of his social media feed. It was a display that cemented Gabbard's role as one of Trump's chief agents of retribution, delivering official recognition of Trump's grievances about the Russia investigation that shadowed his first term. The focus on a years-old scandal also served Trump's attempts to shift attention from the Jeffrey Epstein case and questions about the president's own association with an abuser of underage girls. During her White House remarks, Gabbard said she has referred the documents to the Justice Department to consider for a possible criminal investigation. Hours later, the department announced the creation of a "strike force" to investigate the findings. Obama's post-presidential office declined to comment Wednesday but issued a rare response a day earlier. "These bizarre allegations are ridiculous and a weak attempt at distraction," said Patrick Rodenbush, an Obama spokesman. The White House rejected questions about the timing of Gabbard's revelations and whether they were designed to curry favor with Trump or distract attention from the administration's handling of files relating to Epstein. Still, Trump was quick to reward Gabbard's loyalty this week, calling her "the hottest person in the room." On Wednesday, she released a report by the Republican staff of the House Intelligence Committee produced during the first Trump administration. It did not dispute that Russia interfered in the 2016 election, but cites what it says were trade craft failings in the assessment reached by the intelligence community that Russian President Vladimir Putin influenced the election because he intended for Trump to win. Gabbard went beyond some conclusions of the report in describing its findings from the White House podium. She, along with the report, also seized on the fact that a dossier including uncorroborated tips and salacious gossip about Trump's ties to Russia was referenced in a classified version annex of an intelligence community assessment released in 2017 that detailed Russia's interference. The dossier was not the basis for the FBI's decision to open an investigation in July 2016 into potential coordination between the Trump campaign and Russia, but Trump supporters have seized on the unverified innuendo in the document to try to undercut the broader probe. Gabbard said she didn't know why the documents weren't released during Trump's first administration. Her office did not respond to questions about the timing of the release. Responding to a question from a reporter about Gabbard's motivations, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt accused journalists of looking for a story where there wasn't one. "The only people who are suggesting that she would release evidence to boost her standing are the people in this room," Leavitt said. Trump, however, has said he wants the media, and the public, to focus on Gabbard's report and not his ties to Epstein. "We caught Hillary Clinton. We caught Barack Hussein Obama ... you ought take a look at that and stop talking about nonsense," Trump said Tuesday. CIA Director John Ratcliffe served briefly as director of national intelligence during Trump's first term but did not release any of the information declassified by Gabbard. The CIA declined to comment on Gabbard's remarks Wednesday. Gabbard told Congress in April that Iran wasn't actively seeking a nuclear weapon, and Trump dismissed her assessment just before US strikes on Iran. "I don't care what she said," Trump said in June on Air Force One when asked about Gabbard's testimony. Gabbard recently shared her findings about the Russia investigation in an Oval Office meeting with Trump, according to two administration officials who requested anonymity to discuss a private conversation. Afterward, one of the officials said, Trump expressed satisfaction that Gabbard's findings aligned with his own beliefs. On Friday, Gabbard's office released a report that downplayed the extent of Russian interference in the 2016 election by highlighting Obama administration emails showing officials had concluded before and after the presidential race that Moscow had not hacked state election systems to manipulate votes in Trump's favor. But Obama's Democratic administration never suggested otherwise, even as it exposed other means by which Russia interfered in the election, including through a massive hack-and-leak operation of Democratic emails by intelligence operatives working with WikiLeaks, as well as a covert influence campaign aimed at swaying public opinion and sowing discord through fake social media posts. Earlier this month Ratcliffe released a report criticizing aspects of the intelligence community assessment and suggesting the process had been rushed. The report did not address multiple investigations since then, including a report from the Republican-led Senate Intelligence Committee in 2020 that reached the same conclusion about Russia's influence and motives. Lawmakers from both parties have long stressed the need for an independent intelligence service. Democrats said Gabbard's reports show she has placed partisanship and loyalty to Trump over her duty and some have called for her resignation. "It seems as though the Trump administration is willing to declassify anything and everything except the Epstein files," Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said in a statement Wednesday. Warner predicted Gabbard's actions could prompt US allies to share less information for fear it would be politicized or recklessly declassified. But Gabbard enjoys strong support among Republicans. Rep. Rick Crawford, chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, said she and Ratcliffe were working to put the intelligence community "on the path to regaining the trust of the American people." Rep. Jim Himes, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence panel, said Gabbard hasn't offered any reason to ignore the many earlier investigations into Russia's efforts. "The Director is free to disagree with the Intelligence Community Assessment's conclusion that Putin favored Donald Trump, but her view stands in stark contrast to the verdict rendered by multiple credible investigations," Himes said in a statement. "Including the bipartisan report released by the Senate Intelligence Committee." (Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)
