
Forget Middle East: This region could be next to see a major crisis
The war in the Middle East poses a growing threat to Central Asia. If Iran undergoes a radical change in its political system or descends into internal turmoil, its territory could become a conduit for foreign infiltration into a region long seen as within Russia's strategic orbit.
Anyone with a grasp of international affairs understands that Russia's most defining geopolitical feature is the absence of natural borders. Even where physical barriers exist, such as in the Caucasus, historical experience has taught Russians to treat them as illusory. In this context, central Asia has always been viewed as part of Russia's extended strategic space. Threats to the region's stability are thus perceived in Moscow not as distant disruptions, but as direct national security concerns. One of the central foreign policy challenges for Russia in the coming years will be determining how far it must go to prevent such threats from materializing.
For the first time since gaining independence in the 1990s, Central Asia may now be seriously vulnerable to destabilizing forces. Geographically removed from the conflict-prone neighborhoods of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Israel, the region has enjoyed a period of relative calm. Only Mongolia, bordered by friendly Russia and China, is arguably more fortunate. Central Asia, until now, has been largely insulated. But this insulation is now under threat.
Since the late 19th century, Afghanistan has been the primary concern. But the danger has rarely come from Afghan state actors. Instead, the country has served as a base for extremists targeting neighboring post-Soviet republics. Both Russia and China have long had a vested interest in shielding the region from such spillover, largely for their own domestic reasons. Both powers have large Muslim populations and strong incentives to keep Islamist radicalism at bay. It is precisely this self-interest that has formed the basis of effective cooperation and restraint in international relations.
However, this relatively stable picture is beginning to change. Israel's current posture – driven by an elite seeking to maintain power through perpetual military confrontation – is creating ripple effects far beyond its borders. The escalation since October 2023 has triggered a direct conflict between Israel and Iran. There is even talk in some Israeli circles of targeting Turkey next, due to its regional ambitions. While many of Israel's Arab neighbors may prefer to stay out of such a spiral, the intensification of conflict makes neutrality increasingly untenable.
This trajectory has implications not only for the Middle East, but for the wider Eurasian space. The possibility that Iran could be destabilized – either through external pressure or internal collapse – should concern all those who value regional stability. Iran is a key player in the Eurasian balance, and a descent into chaos could turn it into a launch pad for foreign interference aimed at Russia and China via Central Asia.
Russia must therefore prepare for all scenarios. So far, Iran has shown resilience. The leadership is maintaining control, and the population remains broadly patriotic. But dramatic changes cannot be ruled out. Should Iran fracture, the security vacuum created could expose Central Asia to manipulation from actors who view the region not as a priority in itself, but as a lever against Moscow and Beijing.
It bears emphasizing: Central Asia is not significant to the West in the way it is to Russia or China. The region's population of under 90 million is dwarfed by the likes of Iran or Pakistan. Its global economic footprint pales in comparison to Southeast Asian nations such as Vietnam or Indonesia. The West views it not as a partner, but as a resource base – useful insofar as it weakens Russia and China.
Should Iran descend into disorder, foreign actors could use it as a staging ground to project influence or destabilize Central Asia, without facing any real consequences themselves. For Washington, Brussels, or London, events in the region are an abstraction – something to exploit diplomatically, not something to defend materially.
Beyond the external threats, there are internal risks as well. Israel's aggressive foreign policy, when broadcast globally, generates resentment among Muslim populations. In Central Asia, where ties to Russian culture and the Soviet past are strong, many citizens have a finely tuned sense of justice. They are not passive observers. Perceived injustice in the Middle East could radicalize sections of the population, making them susceptible to extremist messaging.
The governments of Central Asia have done much to avoid becoming pawns in global geopolitics. The creation of the 'Central Asian Five' – a regional platform for dialogue and coordination – has been a major step. Russia supports this initiative, recognizing the importance of local agency and regional cooperation.
These states are wisely building stronger relations with key neighbors, including China and Russia, while maintaining a cautious stance towards Turkey's neo-Ottoman ambitions. Ankara's push for a 'Great Turan' is treated with polite skepticism. Its economic and military capacities remain limited, and Central Asian leaders understand that.
Overall, the region's foreign policy is marked by pragmatism. It seeks flexibility without compromising core obligations to strategic partners such as Russia. Moscow has no reason to take offence. And yet, even the best foreign policy cannot insulate these states from chaos beyond their borders.
Russia must be realistic. It cannot – and should not – assume total responsibility for defending Central Asia. History teaches caution. The First World War stands as a cautionary tale of Russia committing to allies at great cost, only to reap instability and collapse. Moscow should now make clear that the preservation of sovereignty in Central Asia is a matter for the region's governments themselves. Russia remains a friend, a neighbor, and a responsible partner. But it will not mortgage its future for vague promises or ill-defined obligations.
In the age of collapsing norms and rising brute force, this sober, balanced approach is the only one that can ensure both regional peace and Russia's own long-term security.This article was first published by Vzglyad newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Russia Today
4 hours ago
- Russia Today
Iran slams Trump over ‘disrespect'
Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has accused US President Donald Trump of showing disrespect to the country's leadership, warning that his barbs undermine any potential for renewed negotiations. In a statement posted on Saturday, Araghchi said that if Trump is sincere about pursuing a nuclear deal with Iran, he must 'put aside the disrespectful and unacceptable tone towards Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and stop hurting his millions of heartfelt followers.' Araghchi further warned that Iran would not tolerate threats and insults, asserting: 'If illusions lead to worse mistakes, Iran will not hesitate to unveil its real capabilities, which will certainly end any delusion about the power of Iran.' The foreign minister added that as a result of Iran's recent standoff with Israel, the latter 'had NO CHOICE but to RUN to 'Daddy' to avoid being flattened by our missiles.' His comments came in response to Trump's claim that he had 'saved [Khamenei] from a very ugly and ignominious death.' He also accused the Iranian leader of 'blatantly and foolishly' lying about prevailing in the conflict with Israel. On top of that, the US leader warned Iran that he would 'absolutely' bomb the country again if he decides that Tehran is developing nuclear weapons. The war of words followed a 12-day conflict between Israel and Iran that began on June 13 when Israel launched a series of strikes targeting Iran's nuclear sites and top military leadership, triggering a wave of retaliatory attacks by Tehran. The US joined the hostilities on June 22, deploying heavy bombers against key Iranian nuclear facilities. Trump has since said that the nuclear sites have been 'completely obliterated,' although several media reports have disputed this assessment. While a ceasefire has since been reached, Iran has dismissed the notion of immediately returning to negotiations. The key stumbling block remains the US demand that Iran completely refrain from uranium enrichment, which Tehran has dismissed as a deal-breaker. Iran maintains it does not seek nuclear weapons and insists the country's nuclear program is solely for peaceful energy purposes.


Russia Today
12 hours ago
- Russia Today
The West waging ‘centuries-old war' against Moscow – Russia's top UN diplomat
Western nations are using Ukraine as their proxy in a longstanding confrontation with Russia that is deeply rooted in history, Russian Ambassador to the UN Vassily Nebenzia told RT's Rick Sanchez. In an interview on The Sanchez Effect aired on Friday, the diplomat argued that the conflict 'should be seen in a larger context.' 'They do not care about Ukraine. This is not a war between Russia and Ukraine,' Nebenzia said. 'Ukraine is a proxy in this war. This is a centuries-old war of the West against Russia, starting with the Polish invasion in the 17th century,' he added. As examples of earlier confrontations, Nebenzia cited Napoleon's invasion of Russia, the 1854–1856 Crimean War, Western military intervention during the Russian Civil War, and the invasion by Nazi Germany and its allies during World War II. He emphasized that Hitler's army included not only Germans, but also units drawn from allied countries and occupied territories. The Ukrainians and 'their sponsors' in the West sabotaged the 2014–2015 Minsk accords, which were aimed at ending the conflict between Kiev and the breakaway Donbass republics, the Russian diplomat said. Former French President Francois Hollande and former German Chancellor Angela Merkel later admitted the agreement was used by Kiev to buy time and rearm, Nebenzia stated. 'We are not going [to fall] into the same trap once again,' he said. He added that politicians like former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson similarly helped derail the 2022 peace talks between Russia and Ukraine. Ukraine's European backers were forced to adjust their position, Nebenzia argued, after US President Donald Trump launched efforts to broker peace and Ukrainian troops began losing more ground. 'They changed their rhetoric from 'We should inflict strategic defeat on Russia' to 'Russia should not win in this war.' Now they are advocating for a full, immediate, and unconditional ceasefire, which is testimony that they want to shield and protect their proxy, as they are obviously losing on the battlefield,' he said. At the same time, Nebenzia noted that the resumption of direct Russian-Ukrainian negotiations earlier this year provides hope that the conflict could be resolved soon.


Russia Today
13 hours ago
- Russia Today
When opportunity turns to uncertainty: Indian migrants under fire in Israel
When sirens wailed across Israeli cities and missiles from Iran struck Israeli territory, about 150 Indian construction workers from the Bahraich district in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh found themselves caught in an increasingly dangerous situation, desperately seeking a way home. The workers, who traveled to Israel over the past year seeking better economic opportunities, faced a harsh reality: trapped between the promise of steady income and the very real threat of becoming casualties in a regional conflict. Sandeep, a resident of the Mihipurwa area, spoke to his family on the phone from Hadera, painting a grim picture of daily life under fire. 'Missiles are falling here, but we get alerts before they hit,' he explained to worried relatives back home. 'When the sirens start, we run to the bunkers and hide. These daily situations are affecting our work, and now we just want to come home.' The situation created a painful dilemma for the workers and their families. While the income from Israel has provided unprecedented financial stability – with workers earning around 160,000 rupees (about $1863) per month, compared to much lower wages in rural India – the escalating violence made the cost of this prosperity potentially too high to bear. Kamlavati, whose husband Gopal has been working in Israel for a year, captured the anguish felt by families back home. 'My husband has been working safely in Israel for a year, and in this situation, we demand from the government that he be sent back home safely,' she said. 'Because now, seeing the conditions in Israel, we are getting scared.' The irony of their situation is not lost on the families. Kamlavati described how the money from Israel has transformed their lives – they've been able to build a new home and provide better opportunities for their children. Her daughter has started attending school, while her younger son is still very small. But the fear for her husband's safety has overshadowed these material gains. 'We are getting money – he gets 160,000 rupees and keeps sending money home regularly, which helps run the household,' she explained. 'But now, seeing the new house being built doesn't feel good. We just want the children's father to come back.' The workers are part of a larger Indian diaspora in Israel. According to Indian Minister of State for External Affairs Kirti Vardhan Singh, as of December 4, 2024, 6,583 Indian workers had reached Israel for employment, recruited by Israeli authorities and deployed across 195 Israeli companies. Of these workers, 2,325 were engaged in building construction, 1,906 in iron bending, 1,578 in plastering, and 774 in ceramic tiling – all essential skills for Israel's construction industry. Mihipurwa has been particularly affected by this migration. Local official Shravan Kumar Madeshia revealed that 250 people from the area had filled out application forms for work in Israel, with 150 being selected and currently working there. This represents a significant portion of the area's working-age population, making tensions in West Asia a community-wide concern. The families of brothers Sandeep and Sanjay exemplify the collective anxiety gripping the region. 'Both brothers have been living in Israel for a year, but now seeing the terrible war between Iran and Israel, we want our sons to return home safely,' their relatives said. The conflict escalated dramatically before the countries agreed to a ceasefire on Tuesday. Recent Iranian missile attacks hit residential areas in Tel Aviv, bringing the war directly to neighborhoods where many of the Indian workers live and work. The tense environment presents a stark contrast to the hopes these workers had when they first arrived in Israel. For many from rural Uttar Pradesh, the opportunity to work in Israel represented a chance to escape poverty and provide for their families in ways that would have been impossible at home. The monthly salary is several times what they could earn in similar work in India. However, the reality of living in a war zone has quickly overshadowed these economic benefits. The workers described a daily routine of constant vigilance – working while listening for air raid sirens, knowing that at any moment they might need to run for shelter. The psychological toll of this existence is evident in their desperate pleas to return home. The absence of available flights made their situation even more precarious. Commercial aviation has been severely disrupted due to the conflict, with many airlines suspending or limiting services to and from Israel. This has left the workers with no clear path home, despite their growing desperation to leave. The Indian government faces a delicate diplomatic challenge in the Middle East. India maintains strong relationships with both Israel and Iran, and has refused to join international condemnations of Israeli actions. New Delhi is accustomed to balancing ties with rival states during crises, but the most recent presented a particularly difficult test. For the families in Bahraich, the geopolitical complexities matter little compared to their immediate concern: bringing their loved ones home safely. The transformation of their economic fortunes has come at an unexpected cost – the constant fear that their primary breadwinners might become casualties in a conflict that has nothing to do with them. With hundreds of people requiring hospital treatment, the Indian workers found themselves in an increasingly untenable position. They were neither combatants nor civilians in the traditional sense, but economic migrants caught in the crossfire of a regional conflict. During the recent crisis, when families in rural India waited anxiously for news from their loved ones, and workers huddled themselves in bunkers to the sound of sirens, one could not help but be reminded that in our interconnected world, no conflict is truly local, and its human toll extends far beyond the immediate theater of war.