logo
Criticism of the National Dialogue is necessary, but too heavily reliant on magic and myths

Criticism of the National Dialogue is necessary, but too heavily reliant on magic and myths

Daily Maverick26-06-2025
Opposition to President Cyril Ramaphosa's National Dialogue initiative has continued to spread and swirl.
It is, in one sense, a good thing; people are engaging with the initiative, and a measure of distrust of the government is always necessary. That applies as much to governments we put in place, as to the opposition.
Setting aside the stock-phrase peddlers, the knee-jerk responses — and there is a serious problem with some of the responses — one of the standard responses has been that it is, or will be, a 'talk shop'. I have no major problem with that; it will be a talk shop, in the sense that we have to, actually, sit down and have a serious discussion about what has gone wrong in the country over the past two decades.
Justice Malala's response in the Financial Mail was strange, yet somehow predictable. I only recently discovered that he had decamped to the US. I am of the belief that there is a reciprocal relationship between societies and individuals forged through culture socialisation and institutions. In this sense, I should situate Malala's response, but not here, not now…
In fairness, Malala strikes the right notes, but then makes the fatal error of judging something that has not happened, not yet anyway. This might have to do with apparent predictive genius. Surely, we cannot say what has happened to something before it has, actually, happened. I shall remain happily confused and ignorant. The problems he identified are beyond dispute.
The big thing, at least to me, is that he is correct about that thing I tried to spread when I was in the secretariat of the National Planning Commission over four years or so.
It's quite simple, I told public servants in local, provincial and national government. You start by not confusing ambition with achievement. Holding a meeting or establishing an inter-ministerial committee is not an achievement. You have to start somewhere, though. This brings me to a second response (among several) to the National Dialogue.
One of the responses that I found disingenuous, is the statement by the former president of the Nelson Mandela Bay Business Chamber, Loyiso Dotwana, that 'we do not need to 'unpack' our social and economic problems, yet again. We know what they are. What we need is capable, competent, skilled and experienced people implementing solutions.'
It has a nice ring to it, innit!
There are two difficulties I have with this; one is ideological and the other is practical.
Pragmatism as a ruse
The ideological has to do with the terribly weak notion of pragmatism as somehow the abandonment of ideology.
Pragmatism, such as it is, is actually very much an ideological position and sits most comfortably with liberalism and more especially with the endism of the early 1990s.
That was when liberal capitalism was presented as triumphant, and the end-point of human (social) evolution. According to its proponents, this was part of the end of ideology, and that end-of-history nonsense.
One of the better examples of 'pragmatism' presented as non-ideological is Singapore (much loved by people who believe that the prime desideratum of all human endeavour is to make money, build flashy skyscrapers, shopping centres and housing developments), where pragmatism essentially meant obeisance to liberal capitalist fundamentalism and authoritarian governance – and from the outset taming or co-opting organised labour…
Singapore's sycophants would conveniently ignore the period of effective one party-rule (this is undergirded by the belief that ideas and ideologies are simply in the way of making money and 'making a living', which is, actually, precisely the ideological foundations of liberal capitalism, and its place among the transnational capitalist class).
There has been a raft of scholarship on Singapore's transnational capitalist class affiliations which is most prominent in its relations with Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea.
That country gets high on 'macho-meritocracy' and 'value-neutral technocracy' and outright Chinese dominance, which has since its inception sidelined and overwhelmed the native people of the Malay island. In a terribly racist statement, Lee Kwan Yew has said that Singapore was not ready for a native person to be prime minister! (See 'Are We Ready to be Colour Blind?' The Straits Times, 17 November 2008.)
This is an important part of the research and ethnographic work I have been doing in South East Asia over the past two to three years (and more than 10 visits since 1991).
For what it's worth, none of my visits to Singapore were funded by the government, which has spent a fortune on junkets and 'educational' visits and tours, mainly, it should be said, so it may curry favour with other countries, and along the way deflect from the injustices at the base of the erasure of the Malay population, first by the British and continued by the Chinese settlers.
Never mind the racism or Chinese supremacy; as long as there is money and glittering skyscrapers it's all good. Or, as one (Chinese) interviewee told me in March 2025: 'We don't mind corruption or [illiberalism] as long as there is development.'
There's a lot more, from de facto one party rule from 1968 to 1981, the continued dominance of the People's Action Party, and how it has contributed to an 'insulated process of policymaking' and public caning as a form of judicial punishment. This is decried (rightfully) as barbaric when it is done in Muslim countries, but it is perfectly acceptable in Singapore because nothing should stand in the way of making money or building the next skyscraper — not even a Sikh holy place or shrine…
The practical element and wilful blindness
I should not spend too much time on the practicalities issue. Dotwana is correct in that we know what our problems are, and as he wrote 'what we need is capable, competent, skilled and experienced people implementing solutions'. So far so good.
Except, capable people, competent people, skilled people and experienced people do not appear magically from the ether. Implementation does not happen magically either. The writer throws shade with the use of the term 'unpack' (I get that), but public policy-making and implementation do not occur mystically.
When, for instance, there is talk about evidence-based policy-making, which comes with its own liberal and/or free market ideological baggage, someone has to actually read and discuss the evidence; the facts and the significance of such facts.
Employing capable, competent, skilled and experienced people includes vetting processes, which do, unfortunately, take time. The best appointments aren't always the best people, as we know from cadre deployment — includes deployments by the Democratic Alliance!
So, all things considered, questioning Ramaphosa's National Dialogue initiative is fair and necessary. But attempting to steal the moral high ground through tiresome slogans reproduced from liberal capitalist orthodoxy cannot be allowed to pass unchallenged.
It is more a sign of intellectual laziness and wilful blindness. I am nowhere near the centre of public policy-making, but I know the difficulties there are with making public policy (global and national) under choking conditionalities and resistance — especially the powers that are at play in the process.
We can, of course, just avoid talking about the country's problems and wait for capable, competent, skilled and experienced people to show up (magically), and things to fall in place (magically).
Ultimately, making the country more prosperous, more stable, with high levels of cohesion and trust among the population will not occur without direct intervention — not unlike the highly interventionist Chinese government of the Malay state of Singapore. DM
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Mbeki says it's good Zille is displaying her arrogant, contemptuous view of SAns
Mbeki says it's good Zille is displaying her arrogant, contemptuous view of SAns

Eyewitness News

timean hour ago

  • Eyewitness News

Mbeki says it's good Zille is displaying her arrogant, contemptuous view of SAns

JOHANNESBURG - Former president Thabo Mbeki said it's good that Democratic Alliance (DA) federal council chairperson Helen Zille is showcasing her arrogant and contemptuous view of South African people. Zille is not spared in Mbeki's scathing open letter to DA leader John Steenhuisen. The 11-page salvo follows the DA's announcement that it will not participate in the National Dialogue, which Zille described as an African National Congress (ANC) election campaign strategy. Mbeki, who is a champion of the National Dialogue, has placed Zille in his crosshairs. ALSO READ: Withdrawal from National Dialogue likely to see Steenhuisen in hot water He's lambasted Zille for what he's termed a fertile imagination for her claims that the dialogue is an ANC 2026 election campaign and an ANC-run National Dialogue. In seeking to demystify the confusion, Mbeki, in his long letter, set out how the dialogue came about, emphasising the need for political parties, the ANC in particular, to have no role in guiding the conversations. However, Mbeki mentions that it's good that Zille openly made her remarks, showing her arrogance and contempt towards South Africa's masses by suggesting they cannot think and plan their own future without the DA. Mbeki also questioned why the DA remained in the Government of National Unity (GNU), even signing the statement of intent when Zille had been so vocal in her opposition to it.

Mbeki pens open letter to DA's Steenhuisen after party's decision to opt out of National Dialogue
Mbeki pens open letter to DA's Steenhuisen after party's decision to opt out of National Dialogue

Eyewitness News

timean hour ago

  • Eyewitness News

Mbeki pens open letter to DA's Steenhuisen after party's decision to opt out of National Dialogue

JOHANNESBURG - Former President Thabo Mbeki has once again penned an open letter, this time to Democratic Alliance (DA) leader John Steenhuisen, following his party's decision to pull out of the National Dialogue. In a blistering rebuke, Mbeki said it would have been more logical for the DA to walk away from the Government of National Unity (GNU) than withdraw from the dialogue. He said it was obvious that the DA has serious problems with President Cyril Ramaphosa and the African National Congress (ANC) over the GNU. Mbeki, who championed the National Dialogue, said opting out of it is misplaced and strange. READ: ANC calls on DA to clarify if it wants stay in GNU or return to opposition party role While some saw the DA's big announcement following its failed ultimatum to the president as nothing more than a damp squib, Mbeki did not take well to these comments by Steenhuisen about the dialogue. 'In the absence of a president who is prepared to take action against VBS looters and state capture-accused sitting around the Cabinet table, it's clear that the dialogue will be nothing more than a waste of time and money to distract from ANC failures.' This has resulted in a scathing attack, with the former president suggesting the DA's acts were against its very own direct interests. In typical Mbeki fashion, he painstakingly set out how the idea of the dialogue was born, its purpose, and those involved in the project. Mbeki said the dialogue would be the first time South Africans get an opportunity to engage one another in a detailed and comprehensive conversation about the country. Despite Steenhuisen's declaration to boycott the dialogue, his department is one of the interministerial committees tasked with overseeing the project.

The Missing Voice: Disability, Democracy and the National Dialogue in South Africa
The Missing Voice: Disability, Democracy and the National Dialogue in South Africa

The Citizen

time2 hours ago

  • The Citizen

The Missing Voice: Disability, Democracy and the National Dialogue in South Africa

SEDIBENG.- The recently announced commencement of a National Dialogue by President Cyril Ramaphosa should be a wake-up call for the South African Disability Sector. Framed as an inclusive effort to unify South Africans and shape the country's future, the Dialogue is composed of eminent persons from various sectors. However, upon closer examination, it becomes clear that there is a glaring omission, the deliberate exclusion of the Disability Sector. This is not only a political oversight but a failure of democratic integrity. Perhaps it is time for those of us within the Disability Sector, particularly those who assume leadership roles, to align our sector proactively rather than reactively. This means moving beyond waiting for recognition or reacting to marginalisation after it happens. Instead, it calls for building a strategic, unified and assertive movement that positions disability at the center of national debates, not on the margins. We cannot expect national healing and democratic renewal while the voices of millions of South Africans with disabilities remain unheard. There is no sector in this country without a rich leadership history, and the Disability Sector is no exception. From the dark days of apartheid to the hard-won gains of democracy, disabled South Africans and their allies have fought, organised, and built institutions not just for themselves but for a more just society. The role of history, after all, is not merely to remember the past but to ensure that its mistakes are never repeated and its strengths are intensified. The silencing of disability voices today, in the context of the 'inclusive' Dialogue, is a repetition of an old mistake, one we can no longer afford. Let us not forget that during the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) negotiations in the early 1990s, the Disability Sector was initially excluded from key discussions. But rather than accept this invisibility, disability activists and leaders mobilised and protested, forcing their way into the national conversation. That struggle was not in vain. It inspired none other than President Nelson Mandela to begin recognising disability not merely as a welfare issue but as a human rights and developmental issue, in essence, a national question. The lesson is clear: self-representation is not a luxury; it is a non-negotiable democratic principle. When disability is treated as an add-on or a footnote, it leads to policies that fail to address the real material conditions of disabled people. Inclusion cannot be symbolic. It must be structural, strategic, and substantive. We are also reminded of the words of President Thabo Mbeki, who once said: 'Among the yardsticks by which to measure a society's respect for human rights, to evaluate the level of its maturity and its generosity of spirit, is by looking at the status that it accords to those members of society who are most vulnerable – disabled people, the senior citizens, and its children.' This profound statement should serve as a moral compass to the current leadership corps and all those entrusted with shaping South Africa's social contract. It is not enough to host conferences, dialogues, or policy discussions if they exclude those most affected by injustice. Inclusion must be active, not passive. And the test of our democracy lies not in the speeches of our presidents but in the everyday experiences of disabled South Africans, many of whom still endure disproportionate poverty, unemployment, inaccessibility, and systemic neglect. Yes, we have a Ministry for Women, Youth, and Persons with Disabilities, and yes, we have some policy documents and action plans that mention disability. But representation is not bureaucracy. It is about voice, power, and agency. If a National Dialogue is to truly 'unite all South Africans to shape their future,' then the absence of the Disability Sector is an indictment. It reveals that disability is still seen as peripheral, not foundational, to the national project. We still have living legends in the Disability Sector, leaders who were instrumental in building the disability rights movement over four decades ago. These are individuals who resisted apartheid, challenged ableism, and laid the foundation for future generations of disabled activists and leaders. To exclude such individuals from the National Dialogue is to erase not only their personal contributions but the collective memory and vision of an entire movement. It suggests that the future is being imagined without us, rather than with us. And what of the youth? Young disabled South Africans are watching. They are absorbing the messages sent by institutions and government. If they see that national spaces for dialogue and policymaking exclude disability perspectives, they internalise the idea that they do not belong therefore their issues are not important, and that the fight for recognition must still continue. That is a betrayal of both history and hope. The question then becomes: What must we do? First, the Disability Sector must organise with renewed urgency and clarity of purpose. This means strengthening Disabled People's Organisations (DPOs), investing in leadership development for young disabled people, and building coalitions across sectors including with labour, civil society, faith-based organisations, and political allies. Second, we must insist on nothing about us without us. This rallying cry, born from global disability activism, must be more than a slogan. It must be a non-negotiable principle in all national processes especially those that shape the future. Third, we must hold our leaders accountable. We cannot allow Ministries, Parliament, or even the Presidency to claim inclusion while practicing exclusion. We must use every tool of democracy, from litigation and protest to public advocacy and media engagement to make visible the systemic exclusion that too often hides behind bureaucratic language. Fourth, we must use this moment to reimagine the Disability Sector itself. Too often, fragmentation, competition for resources, or donor-driven agendas have weakened our collective voice. This is a call for unity and solidarity, not just among disabled people but with all those who believe in justice. Finally, we must ensure that the National Dialogue and every other major national initiative, includes Disability at the table from the very beginning. Not because we are asking for pity or charity, but because we are claiming our rightful place in the national imagination. The future of South Africa cannot be built by silencing its most marginalised voices. It cannot be sustained by erasing history or overlooking those who built the path to democracy. If the National Dialogue is to have legitimacy, then it must include all of us, black and white, rich and poor, urban and rural, disabled and non-disabled. If it does not, then it is not a national dialogue. It is a national monologue, one that speaks of unity while practicing exclusion. And so we return to the question of leadership. Will the Disability Sector wait to be invited? Or will it reclaim its voice, its power, and its place? The answer will determine not only the future of disability rights in South Africa, but the very soul of our democracy. Lucky Tumahole – Disability Advocate At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store