
Air India faces 51 safety lapses in DGCA audit, gets deadline for fixing
The lapses were mentioned in an 11-page confidential audit report prepared by the aviation watchdog this month, Reuters reported. Air India has yet to comment on the report.
However, the report is part of an annual audit and is not linked to the investigation into the deadly Boeing 787-8 crash last month.
The audit report from the DGCA said that seven "Level I" significant breaches needed to be fixed by July 30 and 44 other non-compliances classified needed to be resolved by August 23, the report said.
Also Read: DGCA issues 4 show cause notices to Air India for cabin crew rest, duty norms violations: Reports
The findings in the report come a month after Air India's Boeing 787-8 aircraft, bound for London, crashed in Ahmedabad, killing 260 people. However, the annual audit was not linked to the investigation related to the deadly crash.
The DGCA officials said they found "recurrent training gaps" for some unspecified Boeing 787 and 777 pilots, who had not completed their monitoring duties, where they are made to observe the functioning of instruments in the cockpit before they can start flying.
The report also flagged operational and safety risks and said that Air India did not do "proper route assessments" for some Category C airports, which have difficult layouts or terrain. The airliner only conducted stimulator training for such airfields, which doesn't meet qualification standards, the report added.
"This may account to non-consideration of safety risks during approaches to challenging airports," Reuters quoted the DGCA audit report as saying.
The latest report comes a week after DGCA issued four show cause notices to Air India for multiple violations regarding cabin crew rest, duty norms, training rules and operational procedures.
The show cause notices were issued by the DGCA came after the airline's voluntary reporting of the violations on June 20 and 21.
The notices cited a total of 29 violations, including pilots not being given mandatory rest, poor compliance with training requirements and lack of training for a high-altitude airport, according to Reuters.
Reacting to the fresh report, Air India reportedly said it was "fully transparent" during the audit and that it will "submit its response to the regulator within the stipulated time frame, along with the details of the corrective actions".

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Mint
28 minutes ago
- Mint
Why India may not stop buying Russian oil amid US tariff threat: Explained
In a major setback for India, US President Donald Trump announced Thursday a 25% tariff on the import of Indian goods and an additional "penalty" for buying the "vast majority of their military equipment from Russia." Trump said India is Russia's "largest buyer of ENERGY, along with China, at a time when everyone wants Russia to STOP THE KILLING IN UKRAINE — ALL THINGS NOT GOOD!". He also cited "massive trade deficit with India" as the reason behind the high tariff rate of 25%. He added that US has 'done very little business with India, their Tariffs are too high, among the highest in the World.' But a day later, the US President informed that tariff talks with India are still on, raising hope of a respite. "I understand that India is no longer going to be buying oil from Russia. That's what I have heard. I don't know if that's right or not. That is a good step. We will see what happens...," he said on Thursday. There has been no official indication yet if India will stop buying oil from Russia. However, Indian government sources told Reuters on Saturday that India will keep purchasing oil from Russia, and there would be no immediate changes. Not giving in to Trump's pressure, these sources cited the following reasons for buying oil from Russia: 1. "These are long-term oil contracts," one of the sources said. "It is not so simple to just stop buying overnight," they added. 2. Justifying India's oil purchases from Russia, a second source said India's imports of Russian grades had helped avoid a global surge in oil prices, which have remained subdued despite Western curbs on the Russian oil sector. 3. "Unlike Iranian and Venezuelan oil, Russian crude is not subject to direct sanctions, and India is buying it below the current price cap fixed by the European Union," the source said. 4. Meanwhile, sources told news agency ANI that India's energy decisions have been guided by national interest but have also contributed positively to global energy stability. "India's purchases have remained fully legitimate and within the framework of international norms,' they added. 5. These sources said, 'Had India not absorbed discounted Russian crude combined with OPEC production cuts of 5.86 mb/d, global oil prices could have surged well beyond the March 2022 peak of US$137/bbl, intensifying inflationary pressures worldwide.' 6. Meanwhile, Randhir Jaiswal, the official spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs, said on August 1 shed light on India's energy sourcing requirements. "You are aware of our broad approach that we look at what is there available in the markets, what is there on offer, and also what is the prevailing global situation or circumstances," he said. India is the second-largest importer of Russian oil after China. According to the New York Times, Russia is currently the source of more than one-third of India's oil imports, up from less than 1 percent before the war. The NITI Aayog's April-June (q1 FY2025) report revealed that in Q1 FY25, India recorded significant y-o-y import growth with Russia (19.69%). India imported about 1.75 million barrels per day of Russian oil from January to June in 2025, up 1 percent from a year ago, according to data provided to Reuters by sources. Meanwhile, Trading Economics cited the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade as revealing that India's imports from Russia of crude oil was US$52.73 billion during 2024. In 2023, Russia was among the top trading partners of India. According to Trend Economy, Russia contributed 26% (58 billion US$) to India's imports (of "Mineral fuels, mineral oils and products of their distillation; bituminous substances; mineral waxes). While India is among the top importers of Russia and China, the country is among the top exporters to the US. India remains a substantial exporter of refined petroleum products and other mineral fuels. "The primary destinations for these exports include the Netherlands, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States," Niti Aayog's report said. The USA is among the top importers of Indian goods, accounting for almost 33% of the total merchandise exports, according to NITI Aayog's report. It showed that the USA is India's top export destination in these categories: Minerals fuels & products, Natural or Cultured pearls, Electrical machinery & Equipment, Nuclear reactors, Pharmaceuticals products. NITI Aayog's April-June (q1 FY2025) report This contradicts Trump's 'little business with India' claim. The report also revealed that 'there is significant potential for Indian service exporters to expand their presence in major export markets such as the USA.' Tariffs are taxes imposed by a government (the US government in this case) on goods and services imported from other countries. They are simply an extra cost added to foreign products when they enter the country. Foreign goods get relatively more expensive, possibly driving up demand for domestic products. "Tariffs give a price advantage to locally produced goods over similar goods that are imported, and they raise revenues for governments," according to the World Trade Organization (WTO). However, some domestic industries may rely on imported materials and parts. In this case, the rise in prices of imported materials and parts would lead to face higher costs of production (by domestic producers). "If the domestic producers pass higher costs of production onto consumers, it will also push up prices of domestically produced goods," Oxford Economics explains. There's a possibility of lower export demand in the country (India) where the tariffs are imposed, since their goods have become relatively more expensive in the importing country (US).
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First Post
3 hours ago
- First Post
Democracies snubbed, dictators courted: Inside Trump's embrace of Pakistan
US President Donald Trump looks on as a member of the media raises their hand, at the White House in Washington, DC, US, August 1, 2025. File Image/Reuters On July 31, 2025, Lara Loomer launched a broadside against billionaire Tom Barrack, President Donald Trump's ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria. Loomer, whose outside vetting of Trump appointees has led to waves of firings across his national security bureaucracy, pulled no punches. 'His [Barrack's] appointment to high-level diplomatic posts is alarming, given that his primary expertise lies in leveraging political connections for financial gain,' she wrote. His actions have enabled Islamists to thrive, even at the expense of US national security. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'Barrack has a history of opaque financial dealings and what many view as political influence peddling,' she continued. 'His real estate empire, intertwined with Gulf investments, has long raised concerns about conflicts of interest and whether he is truly serving America or if he is flashing his political access.' She included in her tweet a copy of Barrack's 2018 indictment for acting as an unregistered foreign agent on behalf of Middle East interests. Barrack is the rule rather than the exception in Trump's inner circle. Many of the most influential people in the Trump administration have pre-service financial entanglements with Qatar. The US magazine Newsweek reported that, in addition to Trump himself, five major Trump administration officials have financial ties to Qatar: Chief-of-Staff Susie Wiles, FBI Director Kash Patel; Attorney General Pam Bondi; Middle East Envoy Steve Witkoff; and Environmental Protection Agency administrator Lee Zeldin. Democrats remain up-in-arms over Trump's acceptance of a $400 million jet from Qatar, alleging it amounts to a bribe; given Republican concern that a desire to influence motivates the $20 billion in assistance that Qatar provides American universities, it is hard to deny that Qatari money is not altruistic. For almost a quarter century, successive American presidents have cultivated relations with India. The development of US-India ties has coincided with perhaps the most contentious period in US foreign policy since the debate between isolationists and internationalists in the 1930s. Israel, Russia, NATO, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and China each became political footballs. India, however, stood out as a rare example of bipartisanship. Every US president from George W Bush to Joe Biden worked to cultivate US-India ties. That commitment to a US-India partnership included Trump, at least in his first term. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In his second term, Trump has staked out an opposite position. He approached Pakistani terrorism and its Indian victims with moral equivalency and even dined with Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir, mastermind of the Pahalgam massacre, at the White House. Just as intelligence operatives recruit and compromise targets with either blackmail, bribes, or buffeting ego, so too did Islamabad handle Trump, telling him how much he deserved a Nobel Prize and entrancing Trump with notions of gas deals. The numbers do not lie. On July 31, 2025, Trump slapped 25 per cent sanctions on India, greater than Pakistan (19 per cent), Bangladesh (20 per cent), Sri Lanka (20 per cent), and Afghanistan (15 per cent). Trump treats India with disdain, belittling its economy and privileging countries like Pakistan and Sri Lanka that are Chinese satrapies and Bangladesh and Afghanistan that are hubs for Islamist terror. Each of those countries to which Trump offers better terms ranks well below India on Transparency International's annual corruption index. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD There is no proof that Pakistan, Qatar, or Turkey bribed Trump, though a commonality of Trump's two terms is the conflict of interest between public policy and personal business. Trump's reference to gas deals with Pakistan, his Qatari involvement, and his and Barrack's repeated endorsements of Turkish President Recep Erdogan are coincidences that no Indian should ignore, especially given the coincidences, Trump's policy choices, and the lack of any other logical policy-driven explanation. India must respond in the only way Trump will understand, by denying opportunities to American businesses until Trump or his successors change US policy and again ground it in a partnership of democracies and consensus against terrorism rather than a partnership with corrupt, terror-sponsoring dictatorships. Here, India's decision to abandon the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter makes sense. The US defence industry purposely spreads itself across states and Congressional districts in order to immunise itself from cutbacks by ensuring it always has several dozen, if not hundreds, of lawmakers willing to protect the corporate interest for the sake of their employees. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD According to the Congressional Research Service, F-35 components are produced across 250 different districts in 45 US states. The same pattern holds true with other platforms that the United States would like to sell to India. Cutting contracts makes single headlines, but sending diplomats to each Congressional district to explain why New Delhi made its decision will augment pressure on Trump, especially as midterm elections loom. Trump might even reverse course. While some politicians double down to save face, Trump knows no shame, and if the pressure is great enough, he might simply change policy and try to scrub his recent past in an Orwellian frenzy of sycophantic press and statements. This still leaves India with a problem in the short term: Given the threat China poses to India, some Indian politicians may wish to replace the F-35 with Russia's fifth-generation Sukhoi-57E; this would be a mistake, given Russia's failure to honour previous contracts. Rather, India might shift toward European aircraft until such a time that Trump departs and the United States can right its present wrongs. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Even if New Delhi abandons Lockheed Martin because Trump's antics have raised questions about American reliability, such systems represent not only a lethal combat platform but also a decades-long partnership of training and maintenance. Whatever animus New Delhi might have toward Washington, the long-term stability of Moscow remains a bad bet given the political vacuum that will develop after Putin's death. Trump treats India unfairly, but Trump is an old and, frankly, corrupt man whose time is limited. India will soon be the world's third largest economy; Trump's failure to recognise the benefits of that and the wisdom of choosing democracies over dictatorships and kleptocracies is America's loss. The current crisis, though, can be the stress test to prove the strength of US-India ties. Trump can become the exception that proves the rule. The US Congress still favours India over Pakistan, and every politician motivated more by national security than side business deals will remember which country sheltered Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and which country will drive the international economy through the 21st century. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Bribery can never provide a solid base for bilateral ties like democracy and mutual interests do. Pakistan, like Turkey, will ultimately fall into the dustbin of past American partners no longer worth a future administration's time and energy. India must fight back but should not go scorched earth out of animus toward a man for whom the curtain of power is already closing. Michael Rubin is director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of Firstpost.


Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
India to maintain Russian oil imports despite Trump threats
India will keep purchasing oil from Russia despite US President Donald Trump's threats of penalties, two Indian government sources told Reuters on Saturday, not wishing to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter. On top of a new 25 per cent tariff on India's exports to the US, Trump indicated in a Truth Social post last month that India would face additional penalties for purchases of Russian arms and oil. On Friday, Trump told reporters he had heard that India would no longer be buying oil from Russia. But the sources said there would be no immediate changes. "These are long-term oil contracts," one of the sources said. "It is not so simple to just stop buying overnight." Justifying India's oil purchases from Russia, a second source said India's imports of Russian grades had helped avoid a global surge in oil prices, which have remained subdued despite Western curbs on the Russian oil sector. Unlike Iranian and Venezuelan oil, Russian crude is not subject to direct sanctions, and India is buying it below the current price cap fixed by the European Union, the source said. The New York Times also quoted two unnamed senior Indian officials on Saturday as saying there had been no change in Indian government policy. Indian government authorities did not respond to Reuters' request for official comment on its oil purchasing intentions. However, during a regular press briefing on Friday, foreign ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said India has a "steady and time-tested partnership" with Russia. "On our energy sourcing requirements ... we look at what is there available in the markets, what is there on offer, and also what is the prevailing global situation or circumstances," he said. The White House did not immediately respond to requests for comment. India's top supplier Trump, who has made ending Russia's war in Ukraine a priority of his administration since returning to office this year, has expressed growing impatience with Russian President Vladimir Putin in recent weeks. He has threatened 100 per cent tariffs on US imports from countries that buy Russian oil unless Moscow reaches a major peace deal with Ukraine. Russia is the leading supplier to India, the world's third-largest oil importer and consumer, accounting for about 35 per cent of its overall supplies. India imported about 1.75 million barrels per day of Russian oil from January to June this year, up 1 per cent from a year ago, according to data provided to Reuters by sources. But while the Indian government may not be deterred by Trump's threats, sources told Reuters this week that Indian state refiners stopped buying Russian oil after July discounts narrowed to their lowest since 2022 - when sanctions were first imposed on Moscow - due to lower Russian exports and steady demand. Indian Oil Corp, Hindustan Petroleum Corp , Bharat Petroleum Corp and Mangalore Refinery Petrochemical Ltd have not sought Russian crude in the past week or so, four sources told Reuters. Nayara Energy - a refinery majority-owned by Russian entities, including oil major Rosneft, and major buyer of Russian oil - was recently sanctioned by the EU. Nayara's chief executive resigned following the sanctions, and three vessels laden with oil products from Nayara Energy have yet to discharge their cargoes, hindered by the new EU sanctions, Reuters reported last week.