Commentary: Minnesota's myth of exceptionalism
The myth of Minnesota exceptionalism runs deep. Minnesotans often celebrate what they believe is the uniqueness of their culture. This sentiment can be traced back to one of Minnesota's most famous writers, Sinclair Lewis, who satirized local boosterism through the character of George Babbitt.
It lives on in the 1973 Time magazine cover featuring then-Gov. Wendell Anderson with the proclamation 'The Good Life in Minnesota.' Or in the pastoral image of Garrison Keillor's 'Prairie Home Companion,' with its portrait of a place 'where all the women are strong, all the men are good looking, and all the children are above average.'
Minnesota is known for its legacy of progressive Democratic politicians — Hubert Humphrey, Walter Mondale, Eugene McCarthy, and Paul Wellstone. The political scientist Daniel Elazar famously described the state as having a 'moralistic political culture' rooted in volunteerism and civic engagement. Minnesota consistently ranks among the highest in the nation in voter turnout, per capita income, and high school graduation rates. It is also the land of 'Minnesota Nice,' a concept suggesting decency and civility in public life.
Yet beneath the surface of this Minnesota Nice lies another reality. The murder of George Floyd five years ago should have laid that bare. Minnesota has some of the worst racial disparities in the country. While white students thrive, graduation rates, college matriculation, and standardized test scores for students of color are among the nation's worst. Racial gaps persist in housing, employment, and the criminal justice system.
Politically and geographically, Minnesota is deeply divided. Though often labeled a reliably Democratic state — having last voted Republican for president in 1972 — Donald Trump came close to winning in both 2016 and 2024. The state legislature is nearly evenly split: The state Senate has 34 Democrats and 33 Republicans, and before Melissa Hortman was assassinated, the lower house had 67 Democrats and 67 Republicans. Minnesota is one of just three states with a divided legislature, as political trifectas dominate much of the rest of the country.
As I've argued for years, Minnesota is a political swing state. Sharp partisan divides exist between regions, with only about a dozen of the state's 87 counties consistently voting Democratic. Drive just 20 miles from where Hortman was assassinated, and the political terrain shifts rapidly. In 2024, one might see yard signs flip from Harris to Trump in a single stretch of highway.
Geography divides us, but so too does culture. The same moralistic spirit that once defined Minnesota's politics now fuels passionate polarization. In 2022, Democrats briefly held a narrow trifecta and enacted a sweeping agenda that national Democrats could only dream of — codifying abortion rights in ways more expansive than Roe v. Wade. Despite being broadly pro-choice, the state also contains strongholds of intense opposition to reproductive rights.
If this description of Minnesota sounds a lot like the United States more broadly, it is because it is. Minnesota is both unique and yet fully enmeshed in the same political, cultural, and ideological battles gripping the nation. It reflects the breakdown of political consensus and the rising temperature of our public discourse.
The political assassinations in Minnesota were the first in its history. And yet, many friends, neighbors, and observers across the state and country still think — like the title of another Sinclair Lewis novel — that 'It Can't Happen Here.' But it did. And it can. In a state long thought exceptional, we must now ask: What does this tell us about the degeneration of political discourse in America today?
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Schultz is a Hamline University distinguished professor of political science and legal studies in Saint Paul, Minn.
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The Hill
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‘Hit us, please' — America's left issues a ‘broken arrow' signal to Europe
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This year, I spoke in Berlin at the World Forum and was surprised to see many Americans joining European leaders in support of the forum's slogan, 'A New World Order with European Values.' Attended by figures such as Bill and Hillary Clinton, the conference heralded Europe as key to countering the threat posed by the U.S. Others denounced America as the world's villain with boycotts and protests during Fourth of July celebrations. One leading influencer declared that 'this country is beyond f**ked' and encouraged citizens to 'walk away from the illusion that they built' around this country. Democratic politicians and pundits have fueled the anger by claiming fighting the current U.S. government is like fighting against the Nazis, including most recently former Vice President Al Gore. Others like Rep. Pramila Jayapal have called ICE agents 'terrorists' for enforcing immigration laws. The crisis of faith on the left often seems to be triggered by any adverse decision or election. 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In the end, the calls for a globalist intervention are a final desperate call of America's self-isolated left. Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University and the best-selling author of 'The Indispensable Right.'
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Gen Z's declining patriotism worries me. Partisanship shouldn't define us.
There is now a massive generational and partisan divide in how much pride people have in being American. I don't know how to solve it, but I know why those who are losing faith in America are wrong. Show Caption A Gallup poll reveals a growing partisan divide in American patriotism, with Republicans expressing significantly more pride than Democrats. Democratic patriotism appears tied to the party in power, fluctuating with presidential administrations. Generation Z exhibits the lowest levels of patriotism compared to previous generations. Every year, Gallup conducts a poll on the patriotic leanings of Americans across all sorts of demographics. In recent years, this poll has produced worrying results. There is now a massive generational and partisan divide in how much pride people have in being American. I don't know how to solve it, but I know why those who are losing faith in America are wrong. 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