
China can't buy its way to a baby boom
These developments mark a shift from previous years, when the government largely left the issue of addressing China's declining birth rate to local authorities. Many of those efforts, which range from cash incentives to housing subsidies, have made little difference. By stepping in directly, Beijing has signalled that it sees the situation as urgent.
Fewer Chinese women are choosing to have children, and more young people are delaying or opting out of marriage. This has contributed to a situation where China's population shrank for a third consecutive year in 2024.
An aging population and shrinking workforce pose long-term challenges for China's economic growth, as well as its healthcare and pension systems.
Before the central government's recent rollout, regions in China had already been experimenting with policies to increase birth rates. These include one-time payouts for second or third children, monthly allowances and housing and job training subsidies.
One of the most eye-catching local policies came from Hohhot, the capital city of Inner Mongolia province. In March 2025, the authorities there began offering families up to 100,000 yuan($13,926) for having a second and third child, paid annually until the children turn ten.
The authorities in some other cities, including eastern China's Hangzhou, have offered childcare vouchers or subsidies for daycare. Policies like these have seen the number of births increase slightly in a few regions. But uptake is generally low and none have managed to change the national picture.
There are several reasons why incentive-based policies have not moved the needle. First, the subsidies are generally small – often equivalent to just a few hundred US dollars. This barely makes a dent in the cost of raising a child in urban China.
China ranks among the most expensive countries in the world for child-rearing, surpassing the US and Japan. In fact, a 2024 report by the Beijing-based YuWa Population Research Institute found that the average cost of raising a child in China until the age of 18 is 538,000 yuan ($74,931). This is more than 6.3 times as high as China's GDP per capita.
The burden is so widely felt that people in China jokingly refer to children as tunjinshou , which translates to 'gold-devouring beasts.'
Second, the incentives largely don't address deeper issues. These include expensive housing, intense education pressures, childcare shortages and some workplaces that penalize women for taking time off. Many Chinese women fear being pushed out of their jobs simply for having kids.
Some local authorities have attempted to tackle the structural realities that make having and raising children in China difficult, and have enjoyed some success. In Tianmen, for example, parents of a third child can claim $16,500 off a new home.
However, these policies are confined to specific districts and villages or are limited to select groups. Support remains fragmented and insufficient, while the prospects of scaling these piecemeal initiatives nationwide are slim.
Third, gender inequality in China is still deeply entrenched. Women carry most of the childcare and housework burden, with parental leave policies reflecting that imbalance.
While mothers are allowed between 128 to 158 days of maternity leave, fathers receive only a handful, varying slightly by province. Despite public calls for equal parental leave, major legal changes seem far off.
These factors have together given rise to a situation where, as in East Asia more broadly, many young people in China simply are not interested in marrying or having children.
According to one online survey from 2022, around 90% of respondents in China said they wouldn't consider having more children even if they were offered an annual subsidy of 12,000 yuan ($1,671) – far more than the recently announced 3,000 yuan ($417.87) subsidy.
The new measures show that Beijing is taking China's declining birth rate seriously. But it might be too late. Fertility decline is hard to reverse, with research showing that social norms are difficult to snap back once they shift away from having children.
South Korea has spent decades offering its citizens generous subsidies, housing support and extended parental leave. Yet, despite a recent uptick, its birth rate has remained among the lowest in the world.
Projections by the UN paint a stark picture. China's population is expected to drop by 204 million people between 2024 and 2054. It could lose 786 million people by the end of the century, returning its population to levels last seen in the 1950s.
Still, the recent announcements are significant. They are the first time the central government has directly used fiscal tools to encourage births, and reflect a consensus that lowering the cost of preschool education can help boost fertility. This sets a precedent and, if urgency keeps rising, the size and scope of support may increase as well.
However, if China hopes to turn things around, it will need more than cash. Parenting must be made truly viable and even desirable. Alongside financial aid and free preschool, families need time and labour support.
This also means confronting cultural expectations. Raising a child shouldn't be seen as a woman's job alone. A real cultural shift is needed – one that treats parenting as a shared responsibility.
My generation, which was born under the one-child policy, grew up in a time when siblings were heavily fined. I was one of them. But, just as fines didn't stop all of those who wanted more children, cash rewards will not easily convince the many who don't.
Ming Gao is research fellow of East Asia Studies, Lund University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
8 minutes ago
- AllAfrica
Japan fears both Trump abandonment and entrapment
During all the decades of the US-Japan security alliance, which has been one of the closest security partnerships anywhere in the world, Japan has had to worry about two contradictory dangers: abandonment and entrapment. Abandonment would involve Japan's interests being ignored by its partner amid a deal with one of its enemies; entrapment would mean being forced to fight alongside the United States in a war chosen by the Americans but not by the Japanese. These worries about extreme outcomes have tended to alternate, depending on the political mood in Washington, DC, at the time. Yet currently, Japan finds itself worrying about both abandonment and entrapment simultaneously. This may be as good a sign as any that the Trump administration represents a sharp break with the postwar past. The entrapment fear has always felt the likelier danger. It has now reared its head again in a surprising way, as senior US defense officials have been reported to have been pressing Japan and Australia to make explicit commitments about whether they would fight to defend Taiwan in the event of an attempted Chinese invasion or coercion. The surprise is that American officials are pressing such close allies for an explicit commitment when not even the United States itself, and especially not its commander in chief, President Donald Trump, has made its own intentions clear. This is not a total break with recent American administrations, but it does put Japan in a potentially awkward position. During the Biden administration, a mutual concern over the security and stability of Taiwan did begin to feature in the US-Japan communiques issued after meetings between the Japanese prime minister and the US president, showing that some sort of explicit commitment to working together to preserve the status quo was being sought by the United States. However, that is not the same, at least not politically the same, as actually committing yourself to fight a future war, in circumstances that cannot be predicted and without knowing what America's own stance would be. To do so would be politically extremely difficult, especially for a government that now lacks a majority in both houses of the Diet. Beyond domestic politics, the immediate risk would not be of a war itself but rather of such a commitment causing a further worsening of Japan's relations with China, to no obvious purpose. Abandonment has always looked the less likely of the twin dangers, for having Japan as its largest overseas military base has mattered so much to America and its regional presence in the Indo-Pacific that the idea of it deserting its Japanese ally has looked implausible. This remains true, especially given the emphasis being laid by leading figures in the Pentagon and the Republican Party on the contest with China for both regional and global supremacy. However, Trump is well known to be highly transactional, especially in foreign policy. He has also indicated a strong sympathy for the very 19th-century idea that great powers are entitled to have 'spheres of influence' in the areas around their own borders. He has, for example, expressed a determination that America should gain control over Greenland, the icy territory that is part of Denmark but adjacent to the north-east coast of the United States, has declared that Canada should become the US's '51st State', and has insisted the US should regain control over the Panama Canal. This makes it conceivable, even if still improbable, that at some point Trump could be tempted to accept Chinese control over its 'sphere' of Taiwan and the South China Sea in return for China accepting US control over territories in its region. That would give China control over the main sea lanes surrounding Japan and a greatly increased ability to intimidate other countries in the region, including Japan, South Korea and the Philippines. This is, admittedly, a rather extreme scenario. The identification by most members of Trump's Republican Party of China as America's leading global adversary, and the strong support for Taiwan held by those same Republicans, makes it feel especially unlikely. Yet the fact that the idea of such a 'grand bargain' with China is talked about at all simply underlines how unpredictable the foreign policy of this American president is, with the range of actions and outcomes during the remaining three and a half years of his term looking wider than under any US president in living memory. The governments of every longstanding ally of the United States are having to live with this uncertainty, one which reflects a broader question: using a meteorological metaphor, does Trump represent a temporary extreme-weather event, like an especially severe typhoon, or does he represent climate change, a trend that will endure? The safest answer is that he is a bit of both: his extreme volatility and hostile manner can be seen as personal and thus temporary, but some of the ideas he is purveying have a broader resonance in the United States that could persist after he is gone. The central role that America plays in the security of the Indo-Pacific gives Japan little choice other than to adapt to whatever extreme weather emerges from Washington, DC. The more forward-leaning stance Japan has taken on defense, first under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and then with the new National Security Strategy under Prime Minister Fumio Kishida in 2022, has had the dual purpose of increasing Japan's contribution to joint deterrence operations with America and creating more long-term options for national security in case relations with Washington become more fractured. Continuing and even enhancing this strategy remains Japan's only viable plan. What Japan could perhaps invest even more time in is its already impressive diplomatic efforts in Northeast and Southeast Asia. To cope with the Trump typhoon and to increase Japan's own leverage over Washington at any time of crisis, it makes sense to work more closely with other countries that face the same pressures, starting with South Korea but also extending south to Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Taiwan itself. All these countries are facing hostility from Trump over trade while also needing to invest more in their own security and economic resilience, in a region in which the two superpowers, China and the US, are both unavoidable presences but also habitual bullies. It therefore makes sense to work together on trade, technology, security and other issues as much as possible, to increase bargaining power as well as resilience. Japan has a key role, as well as an opportunity, to drive this regional collaboration. The contradictory fears of entrapment and abandonment can never be eliminated, but through collaboration they can perhaps be mitigated. This article first appeared on Bill Emmott's Global View Substack and is republished with kind permission. Read the original here .


South China Morning Post
38 minutes ago
- South China Morning Post
How the trade war is turbocharging an American rare earth mine: ‘it's all changed'
For Joshua Ballard, the US' trade war against China has been a game-changer. The CEO of USA Rare Earth – a company launched in 2019 with the goal of reviving America's rare earth magnet supply chain – was having a hard time raising capital from Wall Street until a few months ago. China has dominated the rare earths sector for decades, with its firms having a huge competitive advantage due to their lower costs and massive capacity, making the American company's vision a tough sell to investors. But then came US President Donald Trump's return to office. After a US tariff blitz led Beijing to impose export controls on seven rare earth elements, America's vulnerability was exposed in vivid fashion as a string of blue-chip American companies warned that a lack of magnets could soon disrupt their production All of a sudden, the investment environment 'all changed', Ballard said, and the CEO has been quick to take advantage. 'We're looking at how we can accelerate,' he told the Post in an interview near his home in the San Francisco Bay Area. 'We want to be a major player in this.'


AllAfrica
3 hours ago
- AllAfrica
China can't buy its way to a baby boom
China's central government introduced a childcare subsidy on July 28 that will provide families with 3,000 yuan ($417.76) a year for each child under the age of three. The announcement came days after plans were unveiled to roll out free preschool education across the country. These developments mark a shift from previous years, when the government largely left the issue of addressing China's declining birth rate to local authorities. Many of those efforts, which range from cash incentives to housing subsidies, have made little difference. By stepping in directly, Beijing has signalled that it sees the situation as urgent. Fewer Chinese women are choosing to have children, and more young people are delaying or opting out of marriage. This has contributed to a situation where China's population shrank for a third consecutive year in 2024. An aging population and shrinking workforce pose long-term challenges for China's economic growth, as well as its healthcare and pension systems. Before the central government's recent rollout, regions in China had already been experimenting with policies to increase birth rates. These include one-time payouts for second or third children, monthly allowances and housing and job training subsidies. One of the most eye-catching local policies came from Hohhot, the capital city of Inner Mongolia province. In March 2025, the authorities there began offering families up to 100,000 yuan($13,926) for having a second and third child, paid annually until the children turn ten. The authorities in some other cities, including eastern China's Hangzhou, have offered childcare vouchers or subsidies for daycare. Policies like these have seen the number of births increase slightly in a few regions. But uptake is generally low and none have managed to change the national picture. There are several reasons why incentive-based policies have not moved the needle. First, the subsidies are generally small – often equivalent to just a few hundred US dollars. This barely makes a dent in the cost of raising a child in urban China. China ranks among the most expensive countries in the world for child-rearing, surpassing the US and Japan. In fact, a 2024 report by the Beijing-based YuWa Population Research Institute found that the average cost of raising a child in China until the age of 18 is 538,000 yuan ($74,931). This is more than 6.3 times as high as China's GDP per capita. The burden is so widely felt that people in China jokingly refer to children as tunjinshou , which translates to 'gold-devouring beasts.' Second, the incentives largely don't address deeper issues. These include expensive housing, intense education pressures, childcare shortages and some workplaces that penalize women for taking time off. Many Chinese women fear being pushed out of their jobs simply for having kids. Some local authorities have attempted to tackle the structural realities that make having and raising children in China difficult, and have enjoyed some success. In Tianmen, for example, parents of a third child can claim $16,500 off a new home. However, these policies are confined to specific districts and villages or are limited to select groups. Support remains fragmented and insufficient, while the prospects of scaling these piecemeal initiatives nationwide are slim. Third, gender inequality in China is still deeply entrenched. Women carry most of the childcare and housework burden, with parental leave policies reflecting that imbalance. While mothers are allowed between 128 to 158 days of maternity leave, fathers receive only a handful, varying slightly by province. Despite public calls for equal parental leave, major legal changes seem far off. These factors have together given rise to a situation where, as in East Asia more broadly, many young people in China simply are not interested in marrying or having children. According to one online survey from 2022, around 90% of respondents in China said they wouldn't consider having more children even if they were offered an annual subsidy of 12,000 yuan ($1,671) – far more than the recently announced 3,000 yuan ($417.87) subsidy. The new measures show that Beijing is taking China's declining birth rate seriously. But it might be too late. Fertility decline is hard to reverse, with research showing that social norms are difficult to snap back once they shift away from having children. South Korea has spent decades offering its citizens generous subsidies, housing support and extended parental leave. Yet, despite a recent uptick, its birth rate has remained among the lowest in the world. Projections by the UN paint a stark picture. China's population is expected to drop by 204 million people between 2024 and 2054. It could lose 786 million people by the end of the century, returning its population to levels last seen in the 1950s. Still, the recent announcements are significant. They are the first time the central government has directly used fiscal tools to encourage births, and reflect a consensus that lowering the cost of preschool education can help boost fertility. This sets a precedent and, if urgency keeps rising, the size and scope of support may increase as well. However, if China hopes to turn things around, it will need more than cash. Parenting must be made truly viable and even desirable. Alongside financial aid and free preschool, families need time and labour support. This also means confronting cultural expectations. Raising a child shouldn't be seen as a woman's job alone. A real cultural shift is needed – one that treats parenting as a shared responsibility. My generation, which was born under the one-child policy, grew up in a time when siblings were heavily fined. I was one of them. But, just as fines didn't stop all of those who wanted more children, cash rewards will not easily convince the many who don't. Ming Gao is research fellow of East Asia Studies, Lund University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.