President Lee must dispatch Han Duck-soo as special envoy to Washington
SEOUL, July 21 (UPI) -- With U.S. President Donald Trump having officially declared that a 25% reciprocal tariff on all South Korean exports will take effect Aug. 1, the need for swift diplomatic engagement has become urgent.
Sending a special envoy to Washington is no longer a matter of protocol, but a strategic imperative. The envoy's role would be to engage directly with senior U.S. officials -- possibly even with President Trump himself -- to address a range of high-stakes issues, including tariff negotiations, defense cost-sharing and bilateral cooperation on trade, energy and investment.
Yet despite the urgency, reports indicate that the Lee Jae Myung administration is struggling to finalize its choice, as political debate and hesitation continue to delay the process.
According to media reports, some within the ruling camp are calling for a full reconsideration of the nomination. Kim Chong-in, the former interim leader of the conservative People Power Party and the reported nominee, has publicly expressed displeasure at this development stating, "Did I ever ask to be sent [as a special envoy]?"
The presidential office has offered only a vague response, likening the speculation to "being asked about a divorce before a wedding." These remarks suggest that Kim may have been tentatively considered, but mounting political resistance has likely caused the administration to retreat from that choice.
Meanwhile, with the Aug. 1 deadline fast approaching, the task of appointing a credible and effective envoy remains unresolved.
There is little time left. With Trump's tariff decision already formalized, South Korea must now act with urgency. The appointment of a special envoy is no longer optional -- it is a strategic necessity.
Whoever is chosen must be capable of navigating the complex political and economic landscape in Washington and engaging directly with senior U.S. officials on the full range of critical bilateral issues -- from tariffs and defense cost-sharing to investment and energy cooperation. In this context, the government must prioritize credibility, clarity and results.
That is why former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo emerges as a compelling choice. While Kim Chong-in is widely respected as a seasoned economic policymaker and negotiator, he may not be the right person for this delicate moment.
In 2021, he publicly criticized Trump on social media -- a fact that likely has not gone unnoticed in Washington. Trump, famously reactive to criticism and guided by a highly transactional worldview, recently doubled tariffs on Brazil after President Lula voiced opposition. Sending an envoy with a history of confrontation could risk derailing already fragile talks.
Han, on the other hand, has no prior personal relationship with Trump, but is said to have developed a warm rapport with him during a phone call. Trump reportedly praised Han's fluent English, perhaps sensing a sense of familiarity -- Han is a Harvard-trained economist, while Trump graduated from the Wharton School.
That small personal connection may make a big difference in setting the tone of the conversation. In a high-stakes negotiation, personal chemistry matters. Compared to Kim, Han is more likely to establish a constructive dialogue with Trump -- something South Korea urgently needs.
Beyond personal rapport, Han brings unmatched policy credentials. He is one of Korea's foremost experts in trade and economic diplomacy, having served across the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Trade and Industry, and as the country's first chief trade Nngotiator.
He also was ambassador to the United States, and uniquely, he has served as prime minister under progressive and conservative administrations --Roh Moo-hyun and Yoon Suk-yeol -- earning bipartisan respect.
From trade and security to American politics and protocol, Han is arguably the most qualified figure to handle a volatile and transactional counterpart like Trump. His greatest asset may be his ability to engage the U.S. president without a translator -- an advantage that cannot be overstated at the negotiating table.
The stakes are especially high. The envoy will not only be tasked with addressing tariffs, but also with resolving disputes over non-tariff barriers, securing investment opportunities like the Alaska LNG project and navigating difficult defense-related negotiations -- including cost-sharing for U.S. troops stationed in Korea.
Any misstep could have long-term consequences for Korea's economic and strategic position. And Trump is no ordinary interlocutor.
To understand who Trump is, one need only look back to a 2016 interview in a Korean newspaper. "I sleep 28 hours a week and read 28 hours a week," he said. He is not merely a real estate developer, but a lifelong student of negotiation strategy.
One of his favorite books is The Art of War by Sun Tzu, whose first principle is to win without fighting. In fact, Trump authored The Art of the Deal in 1987 -- a book that transformed him from an unknown businessman into a household name. Facing a leader like Trump requires more than policy expertise; it requires strategic insight and mental discipline.
Yet, sending Han as special envoy may seem politically unthinkable at this moment. From the perspective of many in Lee's coalition, Han is a deeply controversial figure. He served as prime minister under former President Yoon Suk-yeol, who is currently in jail awaiting trial on treason charges following his administration's failed martial law declaration.
Han was seen by many progressives as being aligned with the previous government and even at odds with Lee himself. For some, nominating Han as envoy may appear to betray the spirit of political reform.
But this is precisely where Lee has a chance to lead. If he truly seeks national unity and international credibility, now is the time to rise above partisanship and prioritize the national interest.
Over the past few weeks, he has surprised many by making gestures of political inclusion -- retaining a minister from the previous administration, meeting with opposition leaders and even encouraging dialogue with the business community. These steps have stabilized markets, lifted investor confidence and helped push his approval rating above his election-day result.
Appointing Han as special envoy would be a natural extension of that leadership style. Whether or not Han succeeds in negotiations, the act of appointing him would signal the seriousness and maturity of the Lee administration to both domestic and international audiences. In moments like this, personal risk is often the price of statesmanship.
What's needed now is not just diplomacy -- but a decision.
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