
Under fire: Iran between pride and exhaustion
The explosions came in waves - long, continuous, terrifying. At first, I was frozen, disoriented. Then came the sharp crack of anti-aircraft guns, more explosions, and the roar of fighter jets flying alarmingly low. My mind struggled to make sense of it - until one chilling thought hit me: 'Dear God… it's happened - the thing we prayed would never come.'
I reached for my phone, frantically scrolling through news feeds. For hours, there was nothing. Just silence.
Then the alerts came.
I was right. Reports confirmed targeted strikes, deadly sabotage, and the killing of dozens of senior Iranian military commanders and nuclear scientists. The unthinkable was unfolding.
New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch
Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters
As morning light crept across Tehran, it revealed scenes even our worst fears hadn't prepared us for: high-rise towers reduced to rubble, dozens of civilians dead, and a grim truth printed across every headline: Israel had launched an all-out war on Iran.
For the next 12 nights, the persistent whirr of Israeli drones filled the skies overhead, underscored by the steady staccato of anti-aircraft fire. The sudden, surreal announcement from Donald Trump warning residents to evacuate Tehran, a city of over 10 million, triggered a chaotic exodus as terrified families fled in panic.
But many of us stayed, and we endured.
A city in shock
A fragile ceasefire was declared on 24 June, halting the fighting - for now. But the calm feels more like a pause than a resolution.
Iran remains in shock. The streets may be quieter, but a lingering sense of dread remains that the conflict could erupt again at any moment.
Israel's failure to subdue Iran shows it can no longer dictate the regional order Read More »
Despite the painful memory of the Iran-Iraq War, Iranians were utterly unprepared for the return of a large-scale conflict. There were no functioning air-raid sirens, no public shelters, and no emergency protocols. The promise of 'resistance' and 'strategic depth' - repeated by clerics and military commanders - had failed to translate into meaningful civilian protection.
At night, families across Tehran and other cities went to bed not with a sense of safety, but with a fragile hope that Israeli bombs would spare their homes. That hope was repeatedly shattered, as strikes hit homes, hospitals, ambulances, and even a prison complex.
In fact, the gulf between the government's defiant slogans and the people's defencelessness had never felt so wide.
'We had no shelters, no alarms, nowhere to go. Every night we went to bed hoping the bombs wouldn't fall on our roof,' said Mahshid, a mother of two in central Tehran.
As destruction mounted, the government responded by tightening security: shutting down the internet, erecting checkpoints, and trying to prevent unrest, or perhaps trying to avoid further surprises from the enemy.
'We had no shelters, no alarms, nowhere to go. Every night we went to bed hoping the bombs wouldn't fall on our roof
- Mahshid, Tehran
State media projected a curated image of calm: triumphant headlines, military resolve, even claims of having shot down Israeli F-35 jets.
But beneath that façade, the real story unfolded through encrypted chats and underground news channels. Despite near-total censorship, people shared images of destroyed neighbourhoods, civilian casualties, and expressions of rage, sorrow, and disbelief.
Many residents found little comfort in official statements. The government's reassurances rang hollow. The disconnect between rhetoric and reality deepened the public's sense of isolation and betrayal.
'The money that should have gone to defence was spent in Syria, Lebanon, and elsewhere. And now we have no real air defence,' said Hamed, a father in western Tehran.
'All we wanted was to live a quiet life'
The Israeli strikes caused massive destruction. Despite claims of targeting only military sites, civilian neighbourhoods bore the brunt. Even when Israel issued evacuation warnings, strikes often followed just minutes later, leaving no time or safe place to escape.
Many fled, their cars lined up along the highways stretching across the city, waiting for the next phase of the war. They had no choice.
The final night before the ceasefire felt like hell had descended upon us. I remember my sister calling me in the middle of the night, crying, and imploring, 'Dadashi (meaning dear brother in Persian), please don't go to work tomorrow. The Israelis have issued a warning saying they will bomb your area.'
We didn't have to wait long.
Two loud explosions rattled our windows shortly afterwards. I rushed to check on my sick and fragile elderly mother. Israel had bombed a residential area near us. Just hours earlier, missiles had struck Evin Prison, killing dozens: guards, prisoners, administrative workers, and visiting family members.
A man rests near a damaged car after sweeping debris from a building damaged in recent Israeli strikes in Tehran on 26 June 2025, following a ceasefire with Israel (AFP)
'The Israeli beasts have shown their true face again,' said Mohammed, a civil servant, referencing the wars in Gaza and Lebanon.
'We never thought we'd see this in our own capital.'
The man spoke from a place of quiet desperation: the fear of losing not only loved ones but also the fragile stability he'd built over years - a modest home, savings, a life carved out under constant economic pressure and suffocating sanctions. His words echoed the silent anxiety gripping many Iranians who are neither part of the fight nor represented by the slogans broadcast daily.
For younger Iranians - already burdened by unemployment and restrictions - the war has become just another chapter in a life marked by crisis.
'We were never part of their rhetoric,' said Hamed, a businessman. 'I never followed news from Gaza or Lebanon. All we wanted was to live a quiet life. Now Israel is right above my head.'
Anger, pride, a fragile ceasefire
In the days following the ceasefire, state media hailed the conflict as a 'strategic victory' over the 'Zionist enemy'.
Tehran's billboards were quickly covered with slogans like 'Strength and Victory' alongside images of fallen commanders, martyrs, and economic symbols of Israel in ruin. Speeches and rallies echoed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps slogan: 'Fingers remain on the trigger.'
'Almost everyone in Tehran knows someone affected,' said Sedigeh, an environmental activist. 'A son on the front, a neighbour wounded, a cousin whose home was destroyed.'
'They hit our cities, but we hit back. We're angry, but we're also proud. We showed them we're not weak'
- Reza
But behind the slogans, the people feel exhausted. Public criticism of the establishment remains dangerous - mostly whispered in private chats and anonymous posts, but the frustration is unmistakable.
Some hard-liners, meanwhile, criticised the government for agreeing to a ceasefire at all. In their eyes, the war should have gone further.
Many Iranians feel caught between an unrelenting external enemy backed by the West and a ruling establishment whose rigid ideology has dragged the country to the brink.
Still, a sense of survival prevails. For many, the goal now is not revenge - but endurance.
'We need to protect Iran, not just with missiles, but with wisdom,' said Hesam, a journalist. 'We played a game, conceded 10 goals, and scored two. And we're calling that a win?'
For him, the war revealed long-standing failures: economic decay, international isolation, and a nuclear policy that keeps inviting disaster.
'Until the nuclear issue is resolved, we'll never see peace. Declaring victory is delusional,' Hesam said.
Iranian press photographers take shots of an office in Evin prison, which was destroyed in Israeli strikes in northern Tehran, 1 July 2025 (Reuters)
In fact, one belief that unites many patriotic Iranians is that Israel is determined to disintegrate and destroy Iran. Therefore, the survival and unity of the country - not slogans or vengeance - must now be our ultimate goal, and we must do everything to achieve it.
While the conflict may have temporarily ended, the trauma lingers. Social media channels now offer mental health resources, PTSD support groups, and advice on coping with post-war anxiety.
And yet, alongside the bitterness, there's pride. Despite the destruction, many saw Iran's response - missile attacks on Israeli territory and the downing of drones - as a testament to national resilience.
In fact, for people clinging to anything that resembled order, these moments offered a fragile but vital sense of hope: that Iran had not yet been rendered defenceless, and that its armed forces was still fighting for the homeland.
'They hit our cities, but we hit back,' said Reza, a retired bank clerk. 'We're angry, but we're also proud. We showed them we're not weak.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The National
3 hours ago
- The National
Brics leaders meet under pressure from tariffs, oil shocks and climate rifts
When the leaders of the Brics group of developing countries gather on Sunday for their 17th annual summit, the backdrop is one of the most geopolitically volatile the bloc has faced in years, with trade tension, regional conflicts and energy instability all converging at once. Three forces will shape the mood in the room at the two day summit. First, US President Donald Trump's 'liberation day' tariff blitz, which has landed across the Brics. China struck a trade truce with the US recently, reducing steep levies. But India still faces duties of up to 27 per cent on exports bound for the US, while South Africa is grappling with a 31 per cent levy. Brazil has been hit with a 10 per cent baseline tariff. While these measures were paused for 90-days, that window closes on July 9, so the threat of fresh trade disruption looms large. Wars and oil Second, there's the instability in the Middle East, following a 12-day war between Israel and Iran. Oil markets have already felt the impact: Brent, the benchmark for two thirds of the world's oil, surged nearly 12 per cent after Israel's mid-June strike, driven by fears that further escalation could disrupt ships carrying oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Prices have since cooled, but the stakes remain high. Any new conflict would hit oil importers, such as China and India, while a plunge would hit revenue for major Brics producers such as Russia and Brazil. That brings us to the third pressure point: the upcoming Opec+ meeting in Vienna on July 10. Russia remains a key player in the oil cartel, shaping production policy in tandem with Saudi Arabia, which is not a Brics member. Brazil joined Opec+ last year, although without binding production targets, while India and China (as major importers) closely watch the cartel's quota decisions, which influence global prices. Yet in practice, most Brics members are still price-takers rather than setters, highlighting the bloc's internal imbalance and its limited influence over global energy governance. Climate policy adds another layer of friction. While the EU continues to press for faster emissions cuts, the US has retreated from climate leadership under Mr Trump. Within Brics, positions vary: Russia is intent on protecting its fossil fuel revenue, while Brazil, India and China favour a more gradual transition that aligns with their development needs. Diverging views on climate policy point to a broader issue facing Brics: as the bloc positions itself as a champion of a more 'balanced' or 'multipolar' global order, how much actual influence does it have? Global impact Comparisons with the G7 — the bloc of industrialised nations that continues to shape global policy — are hard to avoid, given Brics' efforts to position itself as a voice for emerging economies. Yet, the group has struggled to match the G7's coherence or influence on the global stage. For example: China generates about 70 per cent of the original bloc's economic output, meaning the now expanded group (which includes Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE) lacks the scale and co-ordination needed to match the G7 in any meaningful way. Divisions within the bloc are not confined to economics either; they extend into diplomacy and security as well. The Middle East remains a key source of tension. Russia has taken a more assertive diplomatic line in support of Iran, particularly during its recent standoff with Israel. But other Brics members, especially India and Brazil, are likely to proceed with caution, unwilling to risk damaging relationships with the US and other western partners that are vital to their economic interests. With such differing interests, a unified stance on geopolitical crises, economic coordination, or energy policy remains unlikely. The summit is likely to deliver broad, cautious statements rather than any meaningful joint strategy. De-dollarisation? That same fragmentation is reflected in Brics' push to move away from dollar dependence — not by replacing the US currency altogether, but by reducing exposure to western-controlled financial systems. The broader aim of so-called de-dollarisation is to create alternative frameworks for trade and reserves that are less vulnerable to sanctions and less reliant on payment networks like SWIFT. However, de-dollarisation remains a distant goal. China 's renminbi is still closely managed against the greenback, the Russian rouble lacks stability, and currencies such as the Brazilian real and South African rand have little international traction. The idea of a shared BRICS currency has been raised by some leaders, but it remains more symbolic than substantive. With no common fiscal framework or monetary co-ordination among members, even developing a unified trading platform would face big obstacles. One area where Brics countries can make meaningful progress is at home. As global co-operation weakens, the way countries compete is changing. Strength now comes not only from what they sell abroad, but from the institutions they build and the connections they maintain with nearby markets. In a fragmented world, countries that combine domestic strength with access to nearby markets are holding up best. Switzerland tops the IMD World Competitiveness Ranking not only for its internal stability, but because it trades freely with the EU next door. Singapore, too, thrives not in isolation but by anchoring itself in South-East Asia's regional economy. For Brics, the deeper challenge is coherence. In a world drifting towards bilateralism, the group's ability to act with one voice remains in doubt. These tensions are not theoretical. The Iran crisis will test its diplomatic unity. Trump's tariffs will test its economic resolve. Opec+ will test its energy coordination. The Brics summit arrives, then, with limited expectations. The real test is not the declarations made this weekend, but the degree to which these countries can shape — rather than simply react to — the emerging world order.


Middle East Eye
4 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Trump says Gaza ceasefire deal could be next week
US President Donald Trump said Saturday that it was a 'good thing' that Hamas has responded in 'positive spirit' on a US-brokered ceasefire proposal. Speaking to journalists on board Air Force, he said that there could be a deal on a Gaza ceasefire by next week, but added that he has no information regarding the current state of negotiations. Meanwhile, Israeli media reported that Israel has received Hamas's response on the ceasefire proposal and is currently looking into details. In the late hours of Friday, Hamas has said it has given its response to the ceasefire proposal to the mediators after consultations with Palestinian forces and factions. 'The movement has submitted a positive response to the mediators, and the movement is fully prepared to immediately enter into a round of negotiations regarding the mechanism for implementing this framework,' the group said in a statement posted on Telegram. In response, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement announced its support to Hamas's plans to start negotiations with Israel on a ceasefire in Gaza, but demanded additional 'guarantees' to ensure the truce would be permanent. 'We presented [Hamas] a number of detailed points on the mechanism for putting in place the mediators' proposal, and we want additional guarantees to assure us [that Israel] will not resume its aggression after [the captives] are freed,' Islamic Jihad said in a statement.


Middle East Eye
8 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim condemns Gaza 'atrocities', expresses support for two-state solution
Malaysia on Friday expressed its "support" for France's efforts to revive the Israeli-Palestinian "two-state" solution, AFP reported. "We condemn the continued bombing and atrocities inflicted on civilians, women, and children. It is a shame that the international community is unable to put an end to them," Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said during his visit to France to meet with French President Emmanuel Macron. "I am of course interested in your initiative" to "try to resolve the ongoing conflict in Gaza", Ibrahim told Macron. Emmanuel Macron was scheduled to co-chair an international conference with Saudi Arabia at the United Nations in New York City on 17 June to revive a two-state solution, which he postponed. "The momentum we have initiated in preparation for the international conference for the implementation of the two-state solution, in conjunction with the kingdom of Saudi Arabia, must continue as quickly as possible," Macron said on Friday. Macron met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on Thursday to discuss a new date. A new date is expected to be announced next week.