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'Bear Alcatraz' floated as migrant center near alligators opens for Trump

'Bear Alcatraz' floated as migrant center near alligators opens for Trump

Metro2 days ago
As 'Alligator Alcatraz' begins taking in illegal migrants, one US state has floated opening another detention center surrounded by another menacing animal – bears.
Alaska responded to a Trump administration official's call for migrant detention centers similar to the newly opened one in the middle of the Florida Everglades to be built.
'Every governor of a red state, if you are watching tonight: Pick up the phone, call (the Department of Homeland Security), work with us to build facilities in your state so we can get the illegals and criminals out,' White House deputy chief of staff for policy Stephen Miller said on Fox News' The Ingraham Angle earlier this week.
Alaska replied: 'We don't have alligators, but we have lots of bears.'
The unidentified spokesperson also said: 'I am not aware of any plans for an Alaska version of Alligator Alcatraz.'
It comes as President Donald Trump on Tuesday toured the 'Alligator Alcatraz' facility at the Dade-Collier Training and Transition Airport in Ochopee which can already house at least 3,000 migrants.
Florida officials noted that the center is surrounded by dangerous animals including alligators and pythons, as well as mosquitos, giving potential escapees a treacherous path ahead.
Trump praised the facility, which was first offered by Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier, and said the Sunshine State would be getting another a second one like it 'and probably a couple more'.
He said he wanted to see more such facilities in 'many states'.
'The incredible thing is picking the site because the site was one of the most natural sites. It might be as good as the real Alcatraz,' Trump said, referring to the infamous former maximum security prison at Alcatraz Island in California. More Trending
'Well, that's a spooky one too. That's a tough site. So I really think it could last as long as they want to have.'
The first group of migrants arrived at Alligator Alcatraz on Thursday.
'People are there,' said Uthmeier's Press Secretary Jae Williams, providing little other detail.
Alaska, nicknamed The Last Frontier, is home to roughy 100,000 black bears, 30,000 brown bears and 7,000 polar bears, according to its government.
Get in touch with our news team by emailing us at webnews@metro.co.uk.
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Elon Musk's 'America Party' stalled by FEC gridlock
Elon Musk's 'America Party' stalled by FEC gridlock

Daily Mail​

time22 minutes ago

  • Daily Mail​

Elon Musk's 'America Party' stalled by FEC gridlock

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The UN is our best defence against a third world war. As Trump wields the axe, who will fight to save it?
The UN is our best defence against a third world war. As Trump wields the axe, who will fight to save it?

The Guardian

timean hour ago

  • The Guardian

The UN is our best defence against a third world war. As Trump wields the axe, who will fight to save it?

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The basic concept of collective responsibility for maintaining global peace and security, and collaboration in tackling shared problems – embodied by the UN since its creation 80 years ago last week – is on the chopping block. The stakes are high – and Washington is not the only villain. Like the US, about 40 countries are behind in paying obligatory yearly dues. Discretionary donations are declining. The UN charter, a statement of founding principles, has been critically undermined by failure to halt Russia's illegal war of aggression in Ukraine (and by last month's US-Israeli attack on Iran). China and others, including the UK, ignore international law when it suits. The number and longevity of conflicts worldwide is rising; UN envoys are sidelined; UN peacekeeping missions are disparaged. The security council is often paralysed by vetoes; the general assembly is largely powerless. By many measures, the UN isn't working. A crunch looms. 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Can Israel and Hamas co-exist? Trump's ceasefire depends on it
Can Israel and Hamas co-exist? Trump's ceasefire depends on it

Times

timean hour ago

  • Times

Can Israel and Hamas co-exist? Trump's ceasefire depends on it

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Meanwhile, Israel had eliminated its senior leadership, including three men cited by the International Criminal Court for possible war crimes: Yahya Sinwar, Hamas's overall leader in Gaza; Mohammed Deif, its military commander; and Ismail Haniyeh, its exiled political leader, assassinated in Tehran by Mossad. MOHAMMED SALEM/REUTERS When the January cessation began, the group attempted to deal with tensions within the Palestinian community by a combination of propaganda — stage-managed hostage releases — and coercion. Beatings increased, as did executions of those rebelling against Hamas's rule and blaming the group for dragging the people of Gaza into a disastrous war. Israel's answer to the question of how to put Hamas under additional pressure involved launching a huge military operation in mid-May to reoccupy most of the Gaza Strip and further squeeze relief operations. Israeli politicians generally deny using aid as a weapon, since it takes them into legally fraught territory. However, security officials have privately expressed their aim as being to free the Israeli hostages and bring about the eviction of the Palestinian militant leadership by ratcheting up pressure on ordinary citizens. Their have some anti-Hamas protests by Palestinians, including in Beit Lahiya in March REUTERS HAITHAM IMAD/EPA Given Gaza is hardly a democracy, and Hamas relies in part on coercion to exercise control, this strategy has clear limitations. But the Israeli argument is that it produced the two previous ceasefires that freed the great majority of its citizens being held in the strip. Now, Israel says, harsh measures have brought Gaza's rulers to the table again. Hamas 'is certainly weaker', says Colonel Eran Lerner, a military intelligence veteran now at the Jerusalem Institute for Security and Strategy, citing the reoccupation of large parts of Gaza and shattering of the command structure. But, he concedes, 'still they are persistent enough to be able to impose their authority on the people of Gaza, and the holding of the hostages gives them great leverage'. With new talks in prospect, what happened in March, when Israel abandoned the previous phased deal and resumed operations, stands as a significant obstacle. Thus, the Trump team's talk of a 60-day truce, during which a further ten hostages (out of an estimated two dozen still alive) would be released, appears to the Palestinian leadership to be an invitation to repeat exactly what happened at the start of this year. So, the Hamas spokesman Taher al-Nunu insisted last week that the movement was 'ready to accept any initiative that clearly leads to the complete end to the war'. For Hamas, there has always been an understanding that its survival is linked to the terms on which it surrenders the final hostages. And, while negotiations have explored such subjects as getting the top tier of the leadership to leave Gaza, or forming a broad-based administration to run the enclave, the group has tried to do everything possible to keep its cadres intact for the day after this war. The judgment now of whether satisfactory terms can be achieved will rest mainly with Izz al-Din al-Haddad, Hamas's surviving leader in Gaza. Also known as Abu Suhaib or the 'Ghost of Qassam', Haddad is a man whose rise up the chain of command has involved successive steps into dead men's shoes. Thus in 2021 he succeeded the assassinated commander of the Gaza City brigade, in November 2023 took charge of the northern part of the strip, when another leader was slain, and in May this year of the whole organisation, after an airstrike killed Mohammed Sinwar, who had himself stepped into his brother Yahya's place. Attempts this year to kill Haddad, a senior commander on October 7, took the lives of two of his sons. Mohammed Sinwar Haddad's home patch, in the north of the strip, was long regarded by the Israelis as Hamas's main stronghold. Consequently, the north, and Gaza City, have been subjected to the most intense military action of the past 20 months. Much of the population is now dispersed in the tented camps of the Al-Mawasi humanitarian zone on the coast. Haddad owes his position to good fortune — or divine providence, as his supporters might see it — and his ability to maintain a grip on the remaining Israeli hostages. Released captives speak of the close personal interest Haddad took in them, with visits where he spoke to them in Hebrew. He will not want to surrender this card unless he is confident his movement will survive. So the word is that Trump's people are trying to convince Hamas that the 60-day ceasefire will work this time as the opening phase of a comprehensive deal that ends the bloodshed. For their part, the Israelis acknowledge they cannot eradicate support for the Islamist movement, which, as Lerner puts it, may carry on, 'as long as [Hamas] are disarmed as a fighting organisation, and no longer in power'. This is not simply an Israeli demand. 'Hamas's crackdown on dissent is intensifying,' Moumen al-Natour, a Palestinian dissident and co-founder of the We Want to Live movement, wrote last week in the The Jewish Chronicle. 'As soon as the ceasefire is announced, Hamas militants will rise from their tunnels, hungry for revenge.' Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, bitterly opposed to the movement and its Muslim Brotherhood allies elsewhere in the region, also favour removing Hamas from power. But the issue is whether the group's political survival also allows it to retain a coercive hold. Qatar, having given a home to the Hamas leadership for years, has hitherto sought to ensure the movement's survival. Majed al-Ansari, Qatar's foreign affairs spokesman, effectively echoed the Palestinian movement's demands when he said late last month: 'We are trying to find that sustainable process that would bring us to lasting peace in the region.' But since the Iran-Israel war, Qatar's position may have shifted, Alhasan believes 'the key Arab states are mostly aligned on the need to secure a ceasefire in Gaza and put Israel off its current war footing in the hope of lowering tensions across the region'. So there may be a window of opportunity to halt the Gaza conflict. But the questions of who would dominate any post-conflict broad-based authority in Gaza, and who would provide its security muscle, remain vexed, to say the least. The killing in recent weeks of hundreds of people at aid points set up by the Israelis to break the militants' hold over food supplies serves as a grim portent. As desperate Gazans have rushed in, security contractors hired to protect the sites, Israeli troops, Palestinian tribal gangs and Hamas itself have all ended up with blood on their hands. Gazans mourn relatives killed while waiting for humanitarian aid KHAMES ALREFI/ANADOLU/GETTY IMAGES Some believe a lawless, divided enclave where the IDF can operate at will is precisely what Netanyahu wants. But for those who will be asked to invest in rebuilding the place, from the Gulf states to Europe, that will hardly be acceptable. They will want security, though until now have proved reluctant to commit forces to guarantee that future stability. • All of these challenges await the would-be peacemakers — and that is before we even look at the business of whether the currently constituted Israeli coalition could agree to a long-term peace deal, or whether Netanyahu will have to call an election to form such an administration. Given the disappointments of previous attempts, it's best not to get ahead of ourselves. The questions for next week will centre on whether the combination of bitter hardships in Gaza and White House guarantees are enough to convince Hamas to deliver. If it does, both the US and Israel will have to ask themselves just how much of a Hamas presence they can live with in the enclave after the guns have fallen silent.

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