Horror as swarm of bees attack and kill terrified man as he mows lawn
A swarm of bees attacked and killed a terrified man while he was mowing his lawn. Stephen Daniel had been mowing the lawn close to an abandoned building near Friendship Park in Eastland, Texas, on April 27, when he accidentally disturbed a large beehive.
Within moments the bees swarmed Stephen as he raced toward his vehicle. But as he tried to escape, he ended up in Chrishae Cooper's front garden. She watched on as Stephen struggled to fight off the bees and alerted emergency services. Police were then dispatched to the scene in an attempt to save Daniel's life.
But despite his efforts to escape, the bees continued to sting and attack Stephen. He was later rushed to hospital with severe injuries.
Doctors attempted to save Stephen's life but he later died at the hospital from circulatory collapse due to the stings. A beekeeper was later called to remove the hive from the abandoned property, network KTXS reported. The Mirror has contacted Eastland Police for comment.
According to the US-based Mayo Clinic a bee sting can range from causing the victim pain and swelling to resulting in a life-threatening allergic reaction. It added if you have one type of reaction once, it does not mean you will have the same reaction every time you or stung or that your reaction will be more severe.
"A severe reaction to a bee sting is potentially life-threatening and requires emergency treatment. This type of reaction is called anaphylaxis," the Mayo Clinic said. "A small percentage of people who are stung by a bee or other insect develop anaphylaxis. It usually happens 15 minutes to an hour after the sting. Symptoms include rash, itching, trouble breathing, swollen tongue, trouble swallowing and tightness in the chest."
It added that if you end up getting stung more than a dozen times, you could have a bad reaction that makes you feel quite sick. Symptoms of this include nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, fever and light-headedness.
A person should seek immediate care if the reaction suggests a case of anaphylaxis. People, including young children, who have heart problems should also seek immediate care if they are stung multiple times.
Tragically, there have been several times where people have been killed after being stung by bees. In February, the Mirror reported a tourist at a popular bird sanctuary died in a freak accident after being attacked by a swarm of killer bees.
Sandeep Purohit, 44, was exploring the tourist attraction Karnala Bird Sanctuary, near Mumbai, India, with his wife and son when he was set upon by a swarm of bees. He suffered multiple agonising stings alongside his wife and son, before hitting his head on the floor.
Despite the best efforts of doctors, the dad was pronounced dead. Authorities believe he suffered an allergic reaction which resulted in a cardiac arrest.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
Israel's food points are not just death traps – they're an alibi for the starvation of Gaza
When mass starvation grips a community, something rare and terrible occurs. Starvation is not only the biological phenomenon of the body wasting away. It's also the death rattle of society. Famine is the sight of people scavenging for food in a garbage heap. It's a woman cooking in secret, hiding food from her starving cousins. It's a family selling its grandmother's jewellery for a single meal, their faces blank and emotionless, their eyes glazed. This is the degradation, the humiliation, the shame – and, yes, the dehumanisation – that happens when human beings scrabble for food like animals. This is a reality that no statistics can capture. And the methods for measuring food emergencies and assigning them grades – 'famine' being the worst – break down when society breaks down in this way. But just as an experienced physician can diagnose a fever without having to send blood samples to the laboratory, veteran humanitarian workers, who witnessed the depths of human suffering in Biafra in 1969 or in Ethiopia in 1984, recognise these symptoms when they see them. And they see it in Gaza today. Turn to the statements of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation – the US and Israel-backed organisation that began operating in May – and you enter a different world. The GHF presents itself as a professional, compassionate operation designed for the 21st century. You will see images of order and efficiency, and a proud announcement that it delivered more than 2m meals yesterday from its four 'secure distribution sites'. And alongside the pictures of those starving children, of women collapsing from hunger, there are also pictures of healthy young men. In contrast to the footage, filmed by Palestinian journalists, of the desperate scramble for the little aid still provided through the UN, the GHF has images of orderly distributions, of its own workers holding the hands of Palestinian children. Israeli spokespeople insist that the United Nations has hundreds of trucks of food inside the Gaza perimeter that it refuses to distribute. But that rosy picture doesn't stand even the simplest scrutiny. There are four reasons why it's at best an improvisation by amateurs and at worst a cover for the crime of ongoing mass starvation. First, the numbers just don't add up. In April, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN calculated the food stocks remaining in Gaza, after 18 months of siege and war, and two months of total Israeli blockade. It estimated that food availability would fall to only half what's needed to sustain life at some point between May and July. That means that the aid effort needs to cover the entirety of Gaza's food needs. Two million meals a day is less than half of what's needed. The GHF rations may have slowed the march of starvation, but not by much. Second, you can't relieve famine by numbers alone. The GHF system is like standing at the edge of a big pond and feeding the fish by throwing breadcrumbs. Who gets to eat its rations? Starvation strikes the vulnerable minority. The metric used by the UN for determining when acute food insecurity is at famine levels is when 20% of families are facing extreme food shortage. Starvation strikes the weakest, not the strongest. Over the decades, humanitarian programmes have worked out how best to target the poorest, such as women without their husbands, looking after several children and perhaps elderly parents as well. It's the last mile of aid delivery that counts. The GHF runs four ration stations. Three are in the far south of Gaza in the ruins of Rafah, one in central Gaza. They're all in military zones. They open for short periods and short notice. To get these rations, people must camp out in the rubble – ready to rush to the gates at a moment's notice, and running the gauntlet of the Israel Defense Forces' military posts. They know that the only means IDF soldiers have for crowd control is firing live ammunition – even when they're not shooting to kill. When the GHF speaks of 'secure distribution sites', it's referring to how it controls its packages up to the point of handing them over, not to how it safely delivers them to the neediest. Dozens of aid seekers are killed each day trying to reach these sites. How will the overstressed mother of hungry children, or elderly or disabled people, join this stampede? How would they run the gauntlet not only of those military posts but also of the gangsters keen to steal the most valuable foodstuffs for themselves, or to sell in the market? The GHF has no idea who is eating the rations. Theirs isn't a formula for feeding the poorest. It's the law of the jungle. Third, the assistance must be designed for what people really need. Top of the list are specialised foods to care for malnourished children who cannot consume regular meals, such as Plumpy'Nut, a ready-to-use therapeutic food. The GHF ration box typically contains flour, pasta, tahini, cooking oil, rice and chickpeas or lentils. No baby food. No Plumpy'Nut. And it has no trained nurses or nutritionists in the community to actually provide therapeutic care to starving children. Consider the desperate mother who's literally at the end of the food chain: how will she cook the rations she gets? How does she find clean water? Israel has reduced water availability to a small fraction of need, and is bombing the remaining desalination plants. What can she use to make a fire? Without electricity or cooking gas, she may burn garbage to heat food. And last and most tellingly, a truly humanitarian operation supports the afflicted people, respecting the dignity of those in need, working with the communities. The GHF, essentially, does the opposite: it humiliates and undermines. The social breakdown that we are witnessing, the degrading of human beings, is not a byproduct of the harm that Israel is inflicting. That's the central element of the crime: destroying Palestinian society. The government of Israel shows no indication that it cares in the slightest whether Palestinians live or die. It wants to avoid the stigma of being accused of starvation and genocide, and the GHF is its current alibi. Let's not be fooled. Alex de Waal is executive director of the World Peace Foundation at Tufts University in Massachusetts. He has been a humanitarian worker and written on famine and related issues for 40 years Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.
The Guardian
9 hours ago
- The Guardian
Israel's food points are not just death traps – they're an alibi for the starvation of Gaza
When mass starvation grips a community, something rare and terrible occurs. Starvation is not only the biological phenomenon of the body wasting away. It's also the death rattle of society. Famine is the sight of people scavenging for food in a garbage heap. It's a woman cooking in secret, hiding food from her starving cousins. It's a family selling its grandmother's jewellery for a single meal, their faces blank and emotionless, their eyes glazed. This is the degradation, the humiliation, the shame – and, yes, the dehumanisation – that happens when human beings scrabble for food like animals. This is a reality that no statistics can capture. And the methods for measuring food emergencies and assigning them grades – 'famine' being the worst – break down when society breaks down in this way. But just as an experienced physician can diagnose a fever without having to send blood samples to the laboratory, veteran humanitarian workers, who witnessed the depths of human suffering in Biafra in 1969 or in Ethiopia in 1984, recognise these symptoms when they see them. And they see it in Gaza today. Turn to the statements of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation – the US and Israel-backed organisation that began operating in May – and you enter a different world. The GHF presents itself as a professional, compassionate operation designed for the 21st century. You will see images of order and efficiency, and a proud announcement that it delivered more than 2m meals yesterday from its four 'secure distribution sites'. And alongside the pictures of those starving children, of women collapsing from hunger, there are also pictures of healthy young men. In contrast to the footage, filmed by Palestinian journalists, of the desperate scramble for the little aid still provided through the UN, the GHF has images of orderly distributions, of its own workers holding the hands of Palestinian children. Israeli spokespeople insist that the United Nations has hundreds of trucks of food inside the Gaza perimeter that it refuses to distribute. But that rosy picture doesn't stand even the simplest scrutiny. There are four reasons why it's at best an improvisation by amateurs and at worst a cover for the crime of ongoing mass starvation. First, the numbers just don't add up. In April, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN calculated the food stocks remaining in Gaza, after 18 months of siege and war, and two months of total Israeli blockade. It estimated that food availability would fall to only half what's needed to sustain life at some point between May and July. That means that the aid effort needs to cover the entirety of Gaza's food needs. Two million meals a day is less than half of what's needed. The GHF rations may have slowed the march of starvation, but not by much. Second, you can't relieve famine by numbers alone. The GHF system is like standing at the edge of a big pond and feeding the fish by throwing breadcrumbs. Who gets to eat its rations? Starvation strikes the vulnerable minority. The metric used by the UN for determining when acute food insecurity is at famine levels is when 20% of families are facing extreme food shortage. Starvation strikes the weakest, not the strongest. Over the decades, humanitarian programmes have worked out how best to target the poorest, such as women without their husbands, looking after several children and perhaps elderly parents as well. It's the last mile of aid delivery that counts. The GHF runs four ration stations. Three are in the far south of Gaza in the ruins of Rafah, one in central Gaza. They're all in military zones. They open for short periods and short notice. To get these rations, people must camp out in the rubble – ready to rush to the gates at a moment's notice, and running the gauntlet of the Israel Defense Forces' military posts. They know that the only means IDF soldiers have for crowd control is firing live ammunition – even when they're not shooting to kill. When the GHF speaks of 'secure distribution sites', it's referring to how it controls its packages up to the point of handing them over, not to how it safely delivers them to the neediest. Dozens of aid seekers are killed each day trying to reach these sites. How will the overstressed mother of hungry children, or elderly or disabled people, join this stampede? How would they run the gauntlet not only of those military posts but also of the gangsters keen to steal the most valuable foodstuffs for themselves, or to sell in the market? The GHF has no idea who is eating the rations. Theirs isn't a formula for feeding the poorest. It's the law of the jungle. Third, the assistance must be designed for what people really need. Top of the list are specialised foods to care for malnourished children who cannot consume regular meals, such as Plumpy'Nut, a ready-to-use therapeutic food. The GHF ration box typically contains flour, pasta, tahini, cooking oil, rice and chickpeas or lentils. No baby food. No Plumpy'Nut. And it has no trained nurses or nutritionists in the community to actually provide therapeutic care to starving children. Consider the desperate mother who's literally at the end of the food chain: how will she cook the rations she gets? How does she find clean water? Israel has reduced water availability to a small fraction of need, and is bombing the remaining desalination plants. What can she use to make a fire? Without electricity or cooking gas, she may burn garbage to heat food. And last and most tellingly, a truly humanitarian operation supports the afflicted people, respecting the dignity of those in need, working with the communities. The GHF, essentially, does the opposite: it humiliates and undermines. The social breakdown that we are witnessing, the degrading of human beings, is not a byproduct of the harm that Israel is inflicting. That's the central element of the crime: destroying Palestinian society. The government of Israel shows no indication that it cares in the slightest whether Palestinians live or die. It wants to avoid the stigma of being accused of starvation and genocide, and the GHF is its current alibi. Let's not be fooled. Alex de Waal is executive director of the World Peace Foundation at Tufts University in Massachusetts. He has been a humanitarian worker and written on famine and related issues for 40 years
The Herald Scotland
10 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
'A staggering failure of even the most basic standards'
Had an ambulance been called rather than just dumping him on the street, he would probably have lived. The manager admitted staff had not received health and safety training for dealing with unwell customers and there was no designated 'first aider.' The pub lost its licence for a time. Read More: Earlier this month, 38-year-old Sean Stephen lay dead in a toilet cubicle in the public 'hub' advice centre in the City Chambers' building for six days until he was discovered on July 7. This surely reveals a staggering failure of even the most basic standards of hygiene and maintenance. Admittedly, it was cleaning staff who eventually sounded the alarm, but when most of such public facilities have daily, if not hourly, maintenance logs pinned by the door, it's legitimate to ask what they were doing for the previous five days. Or indeed what the managers were doing to make sure the cleaners were doing what they were supposed to. It has been claimed that staff thought the cubicle was locked because it was out of order, but then on the morning of July 1 it was presumably working fine, so it must not have been checked at the end of the day when the centre closed. And if it was out of order, shouldn't a manager have known and done something about it? The hub facility provides a walk-up public advice service and as most of it relates to welfare claims and information for people with debt problems, it's fair to say its customers are often those with complex difficulties, and as it's near The Access Place which provides services for homeless people with alcohol and drug problems, security staff are on hand to deal with any issues. Why the security personnel did not see Mr Stephen enter the toilet and failed to notice he had not left is something the investigation will need to address. It is now believed Mr Stephen did indeed have addiction issues and had been experiencing other personal difficulties, and on that basis alone alarm bells should have been ringing when his wife first reported him missing to police on the morning of July 1. Only the police will be able to answer why it took so long for him to be traced, but like the Whistle Binkie's victim, Mr Stephen's wife Julie is entitled to believe he could have lived had he received medical attention in time. There are several layers of failure, starting with security staff who seemingly failed to keep tabs on who was coming and going from the centre, cleaners who clearly failed to clean, but also the police who may have failed to act quickly enough on a missing person's report about someone with problems. Add these to the precedent of the Whistle Binkie's incident and a Fatal Accident Inquiry (FAI) is a racing certainty. If it isn't it should be. But if the Procurator Fiscal does decide an FAI is necessary, it's a two-edged sword for the family. Those involved would be called to give evidence and relatives will have a better chance of getting answers to their many questions, but it means there would be virtually no chance of an early conclusion. Two years from death to the start of a hearing is far from unusual. There is another by-product of an FAI, which is that while councillors will inevitably have questions themselves about the actions of officers ─ not least because the impression has been created that as Mr Stephen lay dead while councillors were going about Chambers business within feet of him, which was not the case ─ they will struggle to get answers imminently. If Mr Stephen's family seek compensation it could be even longer. Edinburgh Council officers have form for dragging their heels when it comes to anything involving the authority's reputation, be it the trams fiasco or the corruption scandal at the heart of Edinburgh Lifelong Learning ─ a sordid affair which took 20 years to settle ─ and while any front-line staff who might be found directly responsible might be moved on or even out, the chances of culpability at a senior management level are, I would contend, limited to non-existent. As if to illustrate the point, a column in Monday's Evening News by council leader Jane Meagher ─ or more likely the Labour group office ─ made no mention of the incident. E NEEDAlong with some fluffy paragraphs about some youngsters working at a café in the Sick Kids hospital, and the Tourist Tax, it was devoted to expressing her gratitude to those nice people in the Unite, GMB and Unison trade unions for accepting a two-year pay deal 'which recognises the value of colleagues across the council and ensures that people are paid fairly for the work they do,' which presumably includes the City Chambers cleaners. And she said a very nice thank you to all the workers during the Festival season who 'ensure that Edinburgh and our world-leading events programme remains safe, inclusive, and successful.' Not, it would seem, in the City Chambers toilets. John McLellan is a former Edinburgh Evening News and Scotsman editor. He served as a City of Edinburgh councillor for five years. Brought up in Glasgow, McLellan has lived and worked in Edinburgh for 30 years.
