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Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker

Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker

Hindustan Times4 hours ago

New Delhi, Digitisation of parliamentary records, special legislative briefings and giving opportunities to first-term lawmakers to raise issues have been the hallmark of Om Birla's tenure as the Lok Sabha Speaker for the sixth straight year. Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker
Birla, a three-term Lok Sabha member, was re-elected as the Speaker of the 18th Lok Sabha on June 26 last year and completed six years as the presiding officer of the lower house earlier this week.
"The first year of the 18th Lok Sabha has marked 104 per cent productivity. The House sitting lasted well past midnight to approve key legislations," the Speaker told reporters in a recent interaction.
He said the 18th Lok Sabha passed 24 bills, including the Waqf Bill, the Disaster Management Bill, and the Immigration and Foreigners Bill during the 372 hours of sittings of the lower House through the past one year.
Birla was elected as the Lok Sabha Speaker for the first time on June 19, 2019. His second term as the Lok Sabha Speaker began on June 26 last year.
Birla said it has been his priority to allow members to raise issues of urgent public importance in the House and a record of sorts was created on April 3 this year when 204 issues were raised in the Lok Sabha the maximum ever in a single day.
He said digitisation of Parliamentary records has been another area of priority and the Lok Sabha secretariat was in the process of digitising video recordings of historic parliamentary debates of yesteryears running into more than 8,000 hours.
"We have sourced these videos from Doordarshan archives as these date before Sansad TV came into existence," a senior official said.
He said an AI-powered search system now allows users to find specific words or topics in videos instantly, even across multiple languages.
The official said new technologies have simplified newly elected MPs' daily tasks, replacing the cumbersome process of filling 19 different forms with a unified onboarding app that saves time and reduces errors.
The Parliament Digital Library has emerged as a crucial resource, offering the public digital access to vast parliamentary research and information, furthering transparency and democratic engagement.
"This initiative not only puts the rich parliamentary knowledge hub in digital space for wider use but also strengthens our democratic legacy," Birla said.
He also said AI-driven translation and localisation tools now automatically convert parliamentary documents into the country's constitutional languages.
The indigenous AI tool "Sansad Bhashini" provides multilingual support for parliamentary work, breaking language barriers and promoting inclusivity as part of the Digital India mission, the Lok Sabha Speaker said.
This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

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Ravi Mishra on India's 2026 Delimitation Crisis
Ravi Mishra on India's 2026 Delimitation Crisis

The Hindu

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Ravi Mishra on India's 2026 Delimitation Crisis

Published : Jun 28, 2025 15:00 IST - 7 MINS READ High-voltage political conflicts have become the gladiator sport of our times. More often than not, the underlying issues are entirely frivolous or made-up. On rare occasions, they are non-trivial. The upcoming exercise of delimitation of constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies (based on the first Census after 2026) is one such true conundrum that defies easy solutions. It also has two sides directly in conflict with each other with much to gain and lose; it is that rare issue that is real, complex, and extremely volatile which results in a ratings bonanza. As a consequence, we have not only had the predictable shouting matches and political campaigns, there have also been several scholars grappling with the underlying issue of late. Indeed, it raises serious questions of fairness regarding the raison d'être of the Indian Union. Most scholars who have explored the issue thus far have been political scientists or psephologists or others with a background in quantitative methods. A few lawyers have examined this issue as well. Scholars so far have looked at the problem as is, and have looked at its fairness versus unfairness implications—that is, the population of North India has grown exponentially faster than South India since the freezing of the delimitation exercise in 1976. The entire reason for the freeze was to ensure that this population divergence did not become a perverse incentive against the policy initiative on population control. Except, that is exactly what has happened and we are now in a pickle. Also Read | Delimitation: Facts, fears, and the future We have two bad options. The first is that we can punish success and reward failure by changing the current representation as the Constitution mandates it. This would rob southern India of its current representation edge, which it achieved through stabilising its population, and equalise that representation with North India which has not stabilised its population. The second is that we condemn much of North India to suffer the consequences of decades of bad governance of the past into the future as well, by retaining the current ratios of representation. In his latest book, Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India, Ravi K. Mishra attempts to bring in a historian's approach to the problem. His hypothesis is interesting. He argues that the starting point of using the 1971 Census data is incorrect and arbitrary. He argues that the populations of southern India grew much faster in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, whereas the Indo-Gangetic plains did not grow as fast; he therefore suggests the late 20th century and early 21st century is when North India gets to grow fast again when the south does not. And therefore, his reasoning is that we should not punish north India for this cyclical nature of population growth. Demography Representation Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India Ravi K. Mishra Westland Non-Fiction Pages: 558 Price: Rs.999 The problem with Mishra's argument, however, is that he does not prove this cyclical nature of population growth with any certainty even though he spends two-thirds of the book on exactly that. It is here that one realises that using quantitative methods to drive a point forward is a skill. Mishra, who trained as a historian, seems to go in circles and does not quite land the argument. Mishra's analysis of population, population density, their movement thereof from decade to decade since 1871 is an exercise that adds little value. He starts by hand-wavy apportioning of certain populations to parts that now are in Bangladesh or Pakistan. This lack of rigour in handling data irks the reader trained in quantitative methods. Some important States, like Tamil Nadu, throw up data that run entirely counter to his argument. Tamil Nadu is also the State that has been the most vocal about delimitation in 2025. Yet, Mishra seems to completely ignore the implication of that. He uses regression analysis where a simple bar chart would have worked; and uses decade-by-decade explanatory analysis where a regression analysis would have added more value. So far, these are errors of omission. One can probably excuse Mishra because historians are not trained in regression analysis or in random processes. 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If they indeed are, it only points to these societies—northern and southern India respectively—having rates of growth that are unlikely to converge for good in the future either. Which then means these societies are fundamentally distinct and therefore cannot be in a single political union where 'one person, one vote' is a foundational principle. The onus of proving this cycle is a 'once-in-the-history-of-mankind' event rests with Mishra. He gives no such proof. 'What do we do when we have two sets of societies in a single Union, each with a massively divergent TFR and different development trajectories? Especially when that TFR is driven by differences in access to school education for girls, which was a policy choice of these very societies. ' Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana have achieved low TFR like every other society in the rest of the world has: by sending girls to school. This is true for societies as vastly different as Iran and Sri Lanka. What Mishra should have done is, taken the TFR of these States from 1947 through the current period and plotted them against the number of years of schooling that girl children got in each of them. That would have told him the truth: it does not matter what the base population is or what the population density was; what matters is whether the given State sent its girl children to school. That is why Tamil Nadu's TFR crashed in the decade after M.G. Ramachandran relaunched the mid-day meal scheme in 1982. That policy resulted in gender parity in terms of Gross Enrollment Ratio in schools which had the unintended consequence of a falling TFR. Also Read | Delimitation debate: Why southern States fear losing political voice after 2026 When it comes to looking at representation and delimitation, the question is not whether the representation index of people in North India is worse than those of South India. 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One unintended consequence of Mishra's analysis is that he strengthens the idea of these various societies that constitute the Indian Union as being distinct and different in terms of their history and culture. And therefore their population growth trajectories are different. Their politics and policy choices, which affected the population growth, are also different. If we want to force them into a single political Union, we are going to have problems. We can either be fair to some and unfair to others or be unfair to everyone. If fairness to everyone is a yardstick, we have no option but to radically decentralise the Union. Nilakantan R.S. is a data scientist and the author of South vs North: India's Great Divide.

Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker
Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker

Hindustan Times

time4 hours ago

  • Hindustan Times

Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker

New Delhi, Digitisation of parliamentary records, special legislative briefings and giving opportunities to first-term lawmakers to raise issues have been the hallmark of Om Birla's tenure as the Lok Sabha Speaker for the sixth straight year. Digitisation, encouraging first-term MPs to raise issues hallmark of Birla's 6 years as LS Speaker Birla, a three-term Lok Sabha member, was re-elected as the Speaker of the 18th Lok Sabha on June 26 last year and completed six years as the presiding officer of the lower house earlier this week. "The first year of the 18th Lok Sabha has marked 104 per cent productivity. The House sitting lasted well past midnight to approve key legislations," the Speaker told reporters in a recent interaction. He said the 18th Lok Sabha passed 24 bills, including the Waqf Bill, the Disaster Management Bill, and the Immigration and Foreigners Bill during the 372 hours of sittings of the lower House through the past one year. Birla was elected as the Lok Sabha Speaker for the first time on June 19, 2019. His second term as the Lok Sabha Speaker began on June 26 last year. Birla said it has been his priority to allow members to raise issues of urgent public importance in the House and a record of sorts was created on April 3 this year when 204 issues were raised in the Lok Sabha the maximum ever in a single day. He said digitisation of Parliamentary records has been another area of priority and the Lok Sabha secretariat was in the process of digitising video recordings of historic parliamentary debates of yesteryears running into more than 8,000 hours. "We have sourced these videos from Doordarshan archives as these date before Sansad TV came into existence," a senior official said. He said an AI-powered search system now allows users to find specific words or topics in videos instantly, even across multiple languages. The official said new technologies have simplified newly elected MPs' daily tasks, replacing the cumbersome process of filling 19 different forms with a unified onboarding app that saves time and reduces errors. The Parliament Digital Library has emerged as a crucial resource, offering the public digital access to vast parliamentary research and information, furthering transparency and democratic engagement. "This initiative not only puts the rich parliamentary knowledge hub in digital space for wider use but also strengthens our democratic legacy," Birla said. He also said AI-driven translation and localisation tools now automatically convert parliamentary documents into the country's constitutional languages. The indigenous AI tool "Sansad Bhashini" provides multilingual support for parliamentary work, breaking language barriers and promoting inclusivity as part of the Digital India mission, the Lok Sabha Speaker said. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

Prices, like water, will find their own level. Controls breed vested interests: Minoo Masani
Prices, like water, will find their own level. Controls breed vested interests: Minoo Masani

The Print

time6 hours ago

  • The Print

Prices, like water, will find their own level. Controls breed vested interests: Minoo Masani

You cannot defeat the law of supply and demand. Prices, like water, will find their own level, and no amount of juggling will stop the laws of hydrodynamics or the laws of economics from having play. And that is why the team of the World Bank which visited India in February or March this year—let me remind the House that the World Bank is our biggest foreign benefactor today, generous, friendly and helpful—singled out for particular castigation Government's present policies, which in its opinion make for inefficiency and high costs, and controls which hamper industry at every turn. Two days ago, I read that the L.K. Jha Committee having failed to stop the rise in prices, the matter will now be referred to a committee at a higher level of Cabinet Ministers, as if the level of the committee decides whether controls would be effective or not! Suppose the Ministers' committee fails, where are you going any higher? Who is going to form the next committee to stop prices rising if the committee of three Cabinet Ministers fails where Mr Jha and his colleagues have failed? Controls are the main bane of our economy. It is said we should stop prices rising by putting on controls. If I may say so, that is flying in the face of the laws of economics. Nothing can stop prices rising if the supply and demand position warrants it. A British economist has said that to try to stop prices by controls is like a lady going to a surgeon to remove her double chin, and the thing comes out at the back of her neck in a bump! In other words, you treat a symptom, you do not treat the disease. The disease of inflation is due to the policies pursued by the Government. Until these are changed, no controls are going to succeed. Also read: For Minoo Masani, Indira Gandhi's bank nationalisation Bill 'came in the dark, like a thief' What is a control? A control is giving an official, even a small one, the power of life and death over a peasant, a shopkeeper or a businessman. Human nature being what it is, is it a matter for surprise that our public life is now riddled with corruption? I am not putting on any cloak of moral superiority. We are all the same under the skin, whatever party we may belong to. But the danger is that, when you combine economic and political power in the same hands, you are creating opportunities for corruption that should not be created. I would not entrust anybody, including my own party, with the unlimited power that you give to the bureaucracy and politicians to exercise controls. I would recognize that human nature being what it is, there must be checks and balances, a division of power. Why do we have a division of power between the judiciary, executive and the legislature? Similarly, we must have a division of authority, political and economic. The day on which you give economic power to those with police power, you have surrendered the liberties of the people, and that is what state capitalism as practised by the present Government means. Also read: Minoo Masani is India's forgotten liberal who went against Nehru's all-pervasive socialism Controls involve bureaucracy. Let me give you a few findings of the studies made by the Organization and Methods Division of the Government itself. Official files in the Union Ministries increase at an annual rate of three lakhs; 21 lakhs of files are awaiting screening and destruction; 22 to 45 per cent of the working space allotted to the staff on an austerity basis is occupied by undisposed files. In the Central Public Works Department, 18 to 25 months are needed for a proposal to reach the stage of execution. And in that particular Ministry the study cites the case of the Land and Development Office where the allotment of a piece of land involves no less than 370 steps from the beginning till the end. This is the controlled economy. I was very glad that my friend, the Minister for Steel and Heavy Industries, speaking at a seminar in Delhi on August 6, confessed that we are now over-regulated, and he has stated that our framework of detailed control needs alteration, and the multiplicity of points at which they operate needs to be reduced. I am quoting him now: 'It is a painful but inexorable fact that today an industrial manager spends more time getting across or around controls than in the task of management.' This is a very laudable discovery, however belated it may be, but the removal of controls is not so easy. The Minister for Steel has already found that out in his very laudable desire or attempt, which has so far failed, to decontrol steel. That is because every control breeds a new vested interest. Vested interests on the business and official side creep up which resist the abolition of the control, and it needs a very stout heart and great guts, like the late Mr Kidwai, to scrap the whole lot and go back from control to decontrol as Mahatma Gandhi advised. This essay is part of a series from the Indian Liberals archive, a project of the Centre for Civil Society. This essay first appeared in the book 'Congress Misrule and the Swatantra Alternative', published in November 1966. The original version can be accessed on this link.

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