
Israel issues Thailand, Cambodia travel warning amid violent clashes
The ministry emphasized 'the northeastern provinces of Thailand and the northwestern provinces of Cambodia' in particular as places to avoid.
Thailand is a popular destination for Israelis, with hundreds of thousands of citizens estimated to travel there annually.
7 The Israeli Foreign Ministry issued a statement, recommending that Israeli nationals 'avoid entering or staying in the border area' between Thailand and Cambodia in light of the cross-border fighting.
via REUTERS
Clashes broke out on Thursday morning near the Khmer Hindu temple Ta Muen Thom, after five Thai soldiers were wounded by mines the previous day, the Guardian reported.
Bangkok, in response, shuttered its northeastern borders with Cambodia and expelled the Cambodian ambassador from the country.
Thailand's Health Minister Somsak Thepsuthin said that 11 civilians and one soldier had been killed by Cambodian artillery shelling since the start of the fighting, according to Reuters.
The minister added that 24 civilians and seven military personnel had been wounded.
7 Thailand's Health Minister Somsak Thepsuthin said that 11 civilians and one soldier had been killed by Cambodian artillery shelling since the start of the fighting, according to Reuters.
Courtesy of Facebook user Chatchak Ratsamikaeo/AFP via Getty Images
7 Cambodian soldiers reload the BM-21 multiple rocket launcher in Preah Vihear province on July 24, 2025, according to reports.
AFP via Getty Images
'The Thai Army condemns Cambodia for using weapons to attack civilians in Thailand. Thailand is ready to protect sovereignty and our people from inhumane action,' the country's military said in a statement cited by Reuters.
Cambodian troops had opened fire near the temple, and deployed a surveillance drone before sending in troops with heavy weapons, including rocket launchers, the Thai military said, per the Guardian.
Cambodia denied those claims, with its Defense Ministry saying that 'Cambodian forces acted strictly within the bounds of self-defence, responding to an unprovoked incursion by Thai troops that violated our territorial integrity,' the report added.
7 Thai people who fled clashes between Thai and Cambodian soldiers take shelter in Surin province, northeastern Thailand, Thursday, July 24, 2025.
AP
7 Thai people who fled clashes between Thai and Cambodian soldiers take shelter in Surin province, northeastern Thailand, Thursday, July 24, 2025.
AP
A two-country territorial dispute has put a damper on their relations for years, but diplomatic ties took a nosedive in May after a Cambodian soldier was killed during a confrontation in one of the areas under dispute, according to the Associated Press.
The contesting claims derive largely from a 1907 map drawn under French colonial rule.
7 Clashes broke out on Thursday morning near the Khmer Hindu temple Ta Muen Thom, after five Thai soldiers were wounded by mines the previous day, according to reports.
AFP via Getty Images
7 Firefighters work to extinguish fire at a convenience store at a gas station, amid the clashes between Thailand and Cambodia.
via REUTERS
Phnom Penh has been using the map as a reference to claim territory, while Bangkok has argued the map is inaccurate.
Later on Thursday, Thailand said that F-16 fighter jets had attacked 'military targets' in Cambodia, AP reported.
The Royal Thai Army stated that the fighting has expanded to six different points along the border.
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New York Post
23 minutes ago
- New York Post
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Boston Globe
23 minutes ago
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Newsweek
an hour ago
- Newsweek
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu left Washington without a ceasefire deal for Gaza. Like U.S. efforts to broker an Iran nuclear agreement and end Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, the war in Gaza is yet another example of the United States being over-engaged and overconfident about a favorable outcome in the Middle East. Diplomacy is a good thing; so is encouraging stability across the Middle East. But instead of obsessing about fixing the region's problems, Washington needs to focus on vital U.S. interests, of which there are few in the Middle East. That means drawing down the majority of the 40,000 to 50,000 U.S. troops spread across 30 bases in the region. Throughout the 1980s, the United States had only two permanent bases in the Middle East. Aside from some short-lived ground operations, it largely stayed offshore with an occasional rotation of naval assets to protect the free flow of oil to global markets. Two vital interests—oil and terrorism—eventually brought U.S. forces on shore. Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait raised the danger of a single hegemonic power controlling global oil supplies. After deploying 540,000 troops to push Iraq out of Kuwait in the First Gulf War, Washington adopted a strategy of dual containment to prevent either Iraq or Iran from dominating the region. Around 25,000 U.S. troops were stationed permanently at new bases in the Persian Gulf throughout the 1990s. The September 11 terrorist attacks, related wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2014 rise of ISIS brought the next surge of troops. New U.S. bases emerged in Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and elsewhere. Troop levels soared at times to above 200,000. The big question now is: why are U.S. troops still in the Middle East? U.S. vital interests in the region are gone, but the forces stay. It makes no sense. Since 2019, the United States has been a net exporter of oil, meaning it's no longer dependent on the Middle East for its energy needs. Moreover, there are no regional hegemons on the horizon. Iraq is now a U.S. strategic partner. With the near-decimation of its regional proxies, a fragile economy, and battered missile defenses, Iran is weaker now than it has been at any point since the 1978–79 revolution. It has no capacity to make a bid—even with a nuclear weapon—for regional hegemony. The recent U.S. strikes against Iran prove challenges can be handled from offshore: bombers flew from Missouri, not from U.S. bases in the Middle East, to hit Iran's nuclear facilities. US soldiers inspect the site of reported Turkish shelling days earlier on an oil extraction facility on the outskirts of Rumaylan, in Syria's Kurdish-controlled northeastern Hasakeh province on October 28, 2024. 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The most influential ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates aren't located in the Middle East and are almost exclusively local insurgencies incapable of posing a threat to the United States. In short, the issues—oil and terrorism—that have traditionally anchored the U.S. military presence in the Middle East for decades no longer offer good reasons to keep troops in the region today. Some might say we need to stay to protect Israeli sovereignty, counter China, or act as an insurance policy of some sort. None of these reasons hold up. Even after the events of October 7, 2023, Israel is more secure today than at any point since its founding due to the collapse of the Assad regime in Syria and the decimation of Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. As a slew of new research shows, China has no plans or means to seize leadership in the Middle East. And staying "just in case" makes for an expensive insurance policy and gives unfriendly actors targets to fire at—U.S. forces in the region have been attacked hundreds of times in the last two years, including most recently by Iran. Sticking around "just in case" could also do more harm than good to regional stability. The reduction of U.S. forces in Syria helped unify the post-Assad Syrian state. Likewise, a 2019 U.S. decision to not retaliate after an Iranian attack on Saudi oil facilities contributed to Riyadh winding down its war in Yemen and normalizing relations with Iran. Who knows? Stepping back might even help bring a sustainable peace to Gaza someday. So let's get going. The sooner the U.S. draws down troops, the better. Will Walldorf is a Professor at Wake Forest University and Senior Fellow at Defense Priorities. He is currently writing a book titled America's Forever Wars: Why So Long, Why End Now, What Comes Next. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.