Monetary aid in reach for more communities near nuke plants
The government and ruling parties plan to increase access to financial assistance for local governments hosting nuclear power plants by broadening the geographical scope of eligibility.
Secretaries-general and other officials of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito agreed on June 17 to provide aid to local governments within 30 kilometers of a nuclear plant, instead of the current 10 km or less.
Cabinet Office officials also said they are considering revising the special measures law for development of areas around nuclear power generation facilities and other regulations.
The change is designed to ensure that local governments can receive increased assistance if they are required to develop evacuation plans for nuclear accidents.
'We need to eliminate the discrepancy and provide support measures for completing evacuation plans,' Makoto Nishida, secretary-general of Komeito, told a news conference after meeting with his LDP counterpart and others on June 17.
A case in point may involve Japan Atomic Power Co.'s Tokai No. 2 nuclear power plant in Ibaraki Prefecture, where around 920,000 individuals reside within 30 km from the premises, the highest concentration in the nation.
While the central government has required 14 municipalities within the zone to draw up evacuation plans, six are still wrestling with how to safely move so many people.
Under the special measures law, which was established in 2000, the central government offers financial assistance that is more generous than standard provisions when local governments hosting nuclear plants build roads and ports or reduce taxes to attract businesses.
Local governments within 10 km of a nuclear plant are eligible in accordance with priority zones where it is required to establish countermeasures for potential nuclear accidents.
However, following the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant in 2011, these priority zones were expanded from a range of 10 km or less from a nuclear plant to within 30 km.
As a result, some host governments have called for expanding the areas where greater assistance is provided, saying that the burden of taking countermeasures for nuclear accidents has only grown.
The government has shifted its policy to making maximum use of nuclear power. Officials apparently hope that the change will make it easier to win local consent on restarting nuclear plants and other nuclear-related policies.
(This article was written by Satoshi Shinden and Anri Takahashi.)
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Mainichi
an hour ago
- The Mainichi
Editorial: Start of Japan upper house race a chance to break political stagnation
Today, July 3, marks the official start of campaigning for the House of Councillors election. Can the sense of stagnation in Japanese politics, deepened under a minority ruling coalition, be overcome? The focus is on whether the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior partner Komeito, which together suffered a major defeat in last autumn's House of Representatives election, can maintain a majority in the House of Councillors including the seats not being contested this time. This is in fact the goal presented by Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. The coalition parties will reach this target if they secure 50 of the 125 seats that are up for grabs. This low aim -- below the usual goal of securing a majority of contested seats -- reflects the administration's predicament amid declining approval ratings. If the coalition maintains a majority in the upper house, then the prime minister has two options: secure a majority of votes by obtaining cooperation from some opposition parties on a bill by bill basis in the lower house, as it has done to date, or stabilize the administration by expanding the coalition framework, for example. However, if the LDP and Komeito fall to become minorities in both houses, calls for the prime minister's resignation are certain to erupt from both within and outside the party. LDP-Komeito coalition reaching its limits While the House of Representatives election is considered an election to pick the government administration, the House of Councillors election is often seen as a midterm evaluation of the current administration. But this time voters are not judging the Ishiba administration alone. What is being questioned first of all is the system of LDP politics that has persisted for many years. Founded 70 years ago, the LDP has governed as a mass party encompassing a wide range of ideologies from conservative to liberal. It maintained a majority in the Diet over the years by reflecting the demands of industry groups and others in its measures and policies in exchange for "votes and money." Criticism of money-driven politics grew, leading to the LDP's temporary loss of power in the early 1990s. After the political reforms of the Heisei era, the party returned to power, but the strength of its support groups waned with the changing times. It was Komeito, with its strong support base, that compensated for the LDP's decline. Over a period of around a quarter of a century, a stable coalition government was built. However, under the LDP's predominance since the second Shinzo Abe administration, its tendency to disregard the Diet grew stronger. Komeito, moreover, was unable to make its presence felt in its role of serving as a brake on security policy and other measures. It was in this context that the slush fund scandal involving LDP factions came to light. The issue of "money in politics" once again hit the administration, contributing to the LDP-Komeito coalition's major setback in last year's lower house election. Prime Minister Ishiba, facing the need to tide over the predicament, called for a "deliberative Diet," seeking cooperation from opposition parties. In practice, however, he was often seen prioritizing maintaining power through numbers by accepting demands by some opposition parties in discussions behind closed doors. An opinion poll conducted by the Mainichi Shimbun has found that public views on the appropriate form for the administration after the upper house election was divided roughly evenly between a "framework with some opposition parties added to the LDP-Komeito alliance" and an "opposition party-centered" one, each supported by around 25% of respondents. Only a little over 10% supported the continuation of the LDP-Komeito government. It seems the coalition is reaching its limits. The behavior of the opposition parties also comes under scrutiny in the upper house election. While remaining fixated on implementing policies aimed at specific support bases, they are weak in terms of taking responsibility for the long-term governance of the nation. This comes against the backdrop of the strong showing among emerging parties that are absorbing public dissatisfaction by criticizing established parties for failing to address social issues like widening inequality. Overall policy picture called into question The ruling coalition is also being dragged along by the trend of competing for credit through pork-barrel policies. Symbolic of this are measures to counter rising prices, which have been cited as a focal point of the upper house contest. It has become a case of pandering to the public with the choice of cash handouts or tax cuts. Meanwhile, serious fiscal issues are being left unaddressed. Symptomatic treatment is not what is required. The Reinventing Infrastructure of Wisdom and Action (ReIWA) conference, composed of private experts, has urged political parties to present not only individual policies but their "overall policy frameworks." The parties should present blueprints for nation-building with an eye on the future and compete over policies head-on. With a rapidly declining population, how can Japan increase the sustainability of its social security system? And with deepening turmoil in the international situation, how should Japan engage with the "America First" administration of U.S. President Donald Trump? Domestic and overseas issues are becoming more serious. The continuing decline in voter turnout in recent national elections in Japan is a matter of concern. In the previous House of Councillors election, voter turnout was 52.05%, meaning that roughly one out of every two people were abstaining from their right to vote. It is hoped that all parties will engage in robust debate that attracts voters. Each and every voter's choice will determine the direction of a new "form of politics." We hope the upcoming election will be an opportunity to contemplate the future without turning a blind eye to the problems faced by society.
Yomiuri Shimbun
3 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Official Campaigning for Upper House Election Starts: How Will Japan Overcome an Era with Many Challenges? / Critical Occasion as New Govt Could be Chosen
There is no end to the challenges of domestic politics, such as soaring prices and an aging society with a low birth rate. In the international community, order, including that in the free trade system, is in danger of collapse. How will Japan deal with these internal and external challenges and open up new prospects? The ruling and opposition parties must clearly present the course the country should take. Campaigning for the 27th House of Councillors election officially kicks off today. A total of 125 seats will be up for grabs — 124 of which are held by members whose terms are set to end and one seat to fill a vacancy in the Tokyo constituency. Rethink strategy for tariff talks The ruling Liberal Democratic Party suffered a crushing defeat in the June Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election, which was positioned as a prelude to the upper house election. The support ratings for the LDP are also at extremely low levels. Upper house elections are essentially considered a midterm assessment of the current administration and cannot be said to be elections in which a new administration is chosen. However, if the LDP and Komeito, which are the minority ruling parties in the House of Representatives, were to lose their majority in the upper house as well, the political situation might become fluid, leading to such changes as a reshuffling of the coalition government. In this upper house election, a major point of contention is the Japan-U.S. relationship. Regarding tariff negotiations, U.S. President Donald Trump has indicated that he will impose tariffs of 30%-35% on imports from Japan. He also said Japan would have to pay 'whatever the number is that we determine.' It is now possible that the 24% 'reciprocal tariffs' the United States had previously intended to impose on Japan could be raised. Trump appears to be dissatisfied with the negotiations between Japan and the United States. At a debate organized by the Japan National Press Club between the leaders of eight parties, Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan President Yoshihiko Noda said, 'The distance between Japan and the United States is growing.' He asked Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba how he plans to break the deadlock in the negotiations. Ishiba replied: 'Japan is the largest investor in the United States and has created the most jobs in the country. Japan is very different from other countries in that sense.' He said if Japan persistently continues negotiations, it will open up a path forward. Economic revitalization minister Ryosei Akazawa has already visited the United States seven times for ministerial-level talks, but there have been no visible results. The idea that Japan will be able to avoid high tariffs in the end because it is an ally of the United States is a naive way of thinking. It will not work in negotiations with Trump. It has become necessary to rethink Japan's negotiation strategy. One way to press Washington to rethink its position would be to cooperate with European and other friendly countries and Southeast Asian nations. It is advisable that the ruling and opposition parties will rack their brains and compete with each other to find a solution. Steps too meager against high prices Regarding the biggest point of contention, the ruling and opposition parties have proposed measures to deal with high prices. Both the LDP and Komeito have pledged to provide ¥20,000 in cash to each member of the public. An additional ¥20,000 would be given to every child and adults in households that are exempt from residential tax. The opposition parties have proposed cutting or abolishing the consumption tax. On making the tax rate on groceries 0%, the CDPJ advocates for doing so for one to two years, while the Japan Innovation Party advocates for two years. During the debate, many of the opposition party leaders criticized the proposed provision of cash as a lavish handout. Ishiba countered by saying, 'A plan that does not have a focal point is a lavish handout.' On the reason for his party touting the tax cuts, Noda stated that it is 'an effective measure to halt a rash of price increases of food and other products.' Price increases have outpaced wage increases, and real wage growth has stagnated. In light of this situation, there are no objections to taking measures to deal with high prices. But their mainstay measures of cash handouts and consumption tax cuts seem to be too simplistic. The LDP-Komeito coalition has provided a variety of cash handouts in the past, but it is unclear whether they have been effective. If the consumption tax is abolished or reduced, there will be a hole in the funding of social security programs, such as pensions and medical and nursing care. A decline in the quality of services will be inevitable. It cannot be said that measures that will pass the burden on to future generations are appropriate. Simply competing over short-sighted measures will not create fundamental solutions. It is essential to discuss reforms to increase economic productivity, leading to sustainable wage increases. Voters' judgments being tested In elections in recent years, many voters have referred to information on social media when deciding who or which party to vote for. However, some users post extreme claims or false information on social media in an attempt to increase the number of views and make a profit. In last year's Hyogo Prefecture gubernatorial election, the internet was flooded with information of unknown veracity, and it is believed to have influenced the election results. The Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry has asked major social media operators to take steps against false information, through such means as setting up a section that will receive requests to delete posts. However, whether to actually delete the posts on the grounds that the information is false is largely left to the judgment of the operators. It is vital for voters to access various information and discern the political views of candidates and parties. This is an era in which the judgment of voters is also being tested. (From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 3, 2025)
Asahi Shimbun
5 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
VOX POPULI: Election offers a chance to reflect on the Upper House's purpose
A baby is 0 years old until it celebrates its first birthday. That's common sense nowadays. In the olden days, however, every person was 1 year old on the day of birth, and then 'gained' another year when New Year's Day rolled around. This system of age reckoning, known in Japanese as 'kazoe-doshi,' is translated into English as 'East Asian age reckoning.' It was replaced by the present system in 1949 when a so-called 'law concerning how to count age' was enacted at the initiative of the Upper House. Author Yuzo Yamamoto (1887-1974), who was a member of the house at the time, explained to the education committee why the Upper House was backing this legislation. 'The people are being taxed, but goods are scarce,' he began. 'They are feeling quite despondent.' Postwar reconstruction was in progress, but the times were still hard, with rampant corporate bankruptcies and unemployment under the General Headquarters for the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ)-led austerity budget policy. And that was precisely why the old kazoe-doshi age counting system had to go, asserted Yamamoto. 'The new system makes everyone one year younger, and that seems to somehow lighten the hearts of the Japanese people,' he insisted. From his stance, I sense the vibrant postwar atmosphere of complete renewal, as well as the depth and playfulness of the Upper House that was nicknamed the 'chamber of common decency.' In its early years, the chamber possessed greater 'individuality' than it does today. While the Lower House became embroiled in interparty disputes, the Upper House asserted its presence by sponsoring legislation on its own and amending bills. One Upper House member even challenged the prime minister during a question-and-answer session by telling him to his face, 'The Lower House engages in politics of numbers, but the Upper House has no place for cheap party interests and maneuvers.' The Upper House election campaign kicks off today. Have its members become trapped in party politics that have progressed over the last 78 years since its establishment? The chamber is in the unenviable position of being accused of being 'the Lower House's clone' when it agrees with the latter, and being blamed for 'creating a political impasse' when it disagrees with the Lower House. But now that divisiveness and extreme arguments seem to have become the norm in Diet politics, there must be some function that only the Upper House can fulfill. Until election day, I would like to keep thinking anew about the significance of the Upper House. —The Asahi Shimbun, July 3 * * * Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a popular daily column that takes up a wide range of topics, including culture, arts and social trends and developments. Written by veteran Asahi Shimbun writers, the column provides useful perspectives on and insights into contemporary Japan and its culture.
