logo
Battle For Bihar: Will Votes 2025 Herald A Political Shake-Up?

Battle For Bihar: Will Votes 2025 Herald A Political Shake-Up?

India.com2 days ago
By Ramakant Chaudhary
The Bihar Assembly Elections, slated for October-November 2025, promise to be a high-stakes contest that could change the matrix of the state's political dynamics. With a population of 13.07 crore and a history rooted in caste-based politics, Bihar remains a critical battleground for national and regional parties. The ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), faces a formidable challenge from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-led Mahagathbandhan and a new entrant, Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party. As the first major election following Operation Sindoor, the polls will test whether Bihar's voters seek continuity or change.
The NDA, comprising JD(U), BJP, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP(RV)), and Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), enters the fray with a mixed record. Nitish Kumar, a veteran of Bihar politics, has steered the state through development milestones like improved roads and electricity but faces criticism for his frequent alliance switches. His return to the NDA before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections helped the coalition secure 30 of Bihar's 40 seats, with BJP and JD(U) winning 12 each, LJP(RV) 5, and HAM 1. However, a C-Voter survey indicates that Nitish's credibility has taken a hit, with his approval rating dropping from 60 percent to 16-17 percent over a decade of political flip-flops. The BJP, riding on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's appeal and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) support, aims to consolidate its grip, as seen in its recent dominance in the state cabinet, holding 21 of 36 portfolios.
The RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, including Congress and Left parties, is banking on Tejashwi Yadav's youthful appeal and a narrative of jobs and social justice. In 2020, the RJD emerged as the single-largest party with 75 seats, capitalising on anti-incumbency against the NDA's 20-year rule. Tejashwi's MY-BAAP strategy-targeting Muslim-Yadav, Bahujan (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes), Aghda(forward, i.e. upper castes), Aadi Aabaadi (half the population, i.e. women) and Poor-aims to broaden the RJD's base beyond its traditional Muslim-Yadav vote bank. However, the alliance's limited success in 2024, winning only 9 Lok Sabha seats (RJD 4, Congress 3, CPI(ML) 2), exposed vulnerabilities, particularly Congress's waning influence and internal factionalism.
Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party introduces a fresh dynamic, promising governance free of caste politics. Launched in October 2024, it secured 10 percent vote share in the November 2024 by-elections but failed to win any of the four seats contested. Its focus on education, health, and clean governance resonates with urban youth but struggles to penetrate rural Bihar, where caste loyalties dominate. Jan Suraaj's plan to field candidates in all 243 seats could split the anti-incumbency vote, potentially benefiting the NDA.
Voter Pulse
The 2024 Lok Sabha election results offer insights into Bihar's voter sentiment. The NDA's 30-seat haul reflected its organisational strength and Nitish Kumar's enduring rural appeal, particularly among Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs, 36.01 percent) and Kurmis (2.87percent) through his Luv-Kush strategy. However, its tally fell from 39 seats in 2019, indicating cracks in its dominance. The BJP's losses in Shahabad and Magadh, where Koeri voters shifted to the RJD, underscored the fluidity of caste alignments. The Mahagathbandhan's 9 seats, up from 1 in 2019, signalled a resurgence, with Tejashwi's outreach to EBCs and youth yielding dividends in constituencies like Aurangabad. Yet, the RJD's inability to breach the NDA's strongholds exposed its reliance on Muslim (18percent) and Yadav (14.26percent) votes.
The 2024 by-elections further clarified voter trends. The NDA's sweep of all four seats-Belaganj, Ramgarh, Tarari, and Imamganj-highlighted its coalition cohesion and Nitish's resilience despite health concerns. The RJD's loss in Belaganj, a traditional stronghold, to JD(U)'s Manorama Devi by over 21,000 votes was a setback, though Tejashwi dismissed it as a minor hiccup. Jan Suraaj's third-place finishes in three seats showed potential but also its limited electoral heft. These results suggest that while anti-incumbency exists, the NDA's development narrative and caste engineering still hold sway.
Bihar's 2023 caste survey underscores the centrality of caste in its politics. EBCs (36.01 percent), OBCs (27.13percent), Scheduled Castes (SCs, 19.65percent), and Scheduled Tribes (STs, 1.68percent) constitute 84.47percent of the population, with Yadavs (14.26percent) and Koeris (4.21percent) being key OBC groups. Forward castes, including Brahmins (3.65percent) and Rajputs (3.45percent), form just 15.52percent. The NDA's Luv-Kush alliance, uniting Kurmis and Koeris, has been a game-changer for Nitish, countering the RJD's Muslim-Yadav base. However, the RJD's MY-BAAP strategy seeks to chip away at EBC and SC votes, with mixed success in 2024. Jan Suraaj's caste-neutral pitch faces an uphill battle in a state where identity drives voting behaviour, as seen in its by-election performance.
Political Flashpoint
The 2025 election is the first since Operation Sindoor, a crackdown on terrorism that has sparked debate. The BJP has hailed it as a triumph of nationalism and defeat of terrorism, while the RJD and Congress accuse the NDA of politicising it to consolidate Hindu votes. This controversy could polarise voters, with the NDA leveraging it to project a tough stance and the RJD framing it as an overreach to distract from governance failures. The operation's impact on voter sentiment, particularly among urban and upper-caste voters, will be crucial.
Bihar's electoral landscape varies across regions. In urban areas like Patna and Muzaffarpur, the NDA's development record-roads, electricity, and law enforcement-finds favour. However, rural regions like Seemanchal and Tirhut grapple with floods, agrarian distress, and migration, fuelling discontent. Tejashwi's promise of 10 lakh jobs and loan waivers targets these concerns, though doubts about feasibility persist. Jan Suraaj's focus on education and health appeals to aspirational voters but lacks rural traction without a caste anchor.
Women voters, empowered by Nitish's liquor ban, are a key demographic. The NDA aims to retain their support through welfare schemes, while the RJD counters with financial aid promises. Technology is another frontier, with the BJP's digital campaigns clashing with the RJD's grassroots WhatsApp networks. Jan Suraaj's viral outreach targets youth, but low literacy and digital access in rural Bihar limit its impact.
Nitish Kumar's health and leadership face scrutiny, with opposition leaders like Tejashwi and Prashant Kishor questioning his fitness. Speculation about Nitish's son, Nishant Kumar, contesting from Harnaut adds intrigue, potentially signaling a succession plan. The BJP's cryptic remarks about deciding the chief minister post-election have strained ties with JD(U), which insists on Nitish as the NDA's face. Tejashwi, backed by Lalu Prasad, is the Mahagathbandhan's chief ministerial candidate, with 38.3percent support in opinion polls against Nitish's 35.6percent. Prashant Kishor, while ruling himself out as a chief ministerial contender, claims Jan Suraaj will produce Bihar's next leader, a bold but untested assertion.
Will 2025 Change Bihar's Course?
The 2025 election is a litmus test for Bihar's political future. The NDA's stability and development record face off against the Mahagathbandhan's populist promises and Jan Suraaj's reformist vision. Historical trends show Bihar's voters are swayed by caste coalitions and tactical alliances, but rising demands for jobs, infrastructure, and quality of life signal a subtle shift. The NDA's by-election sweep and Lok Sabha dominance suggest it enters with an edge, but anti-incumbency and Tejashwi's youth appeal keep the contest open. Jan Suraaj, despite its buzz, risks being a spoiler unless it builds a robust rural base.
The election's outcome will reverberate beyond Bihar, shaping national politics ahead of the 2029 Lok Sabha polls. An NDA victory would cement BJP's dominance and Nitish's relevance, while a Mahagathbandhan win could revive the INDIA bloc. Jan Suraaj's performance, even if modest, could signal a new paradigm if it sustains momentum. For Bihar's 13.07 crore people, the ballot will decide whether the state continues its incremental progress or embraces a new direction, balancing caste loyalties with aspirations for change.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Video: RJD Leader 'Blocks' Ambulance During Bharat Bandh Stir In Bihar
Video: RJD Leader 'Blocks' Ambulance During Bharat Bandh Stir In Bihar

NDTV

time30 minutes ago

  • NDTV

Video: RJD Leader 'Blocks' Ambulance During Bharat Bandh Stir In Bihar

The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) on Thursday came under severe criticism after one of its leaders allegedly refused to give way to an ambulance while participating in the Bharat Bandh in Darbhanga city of Bihar. A viral video of the incident shows party workers, led by the party's district Vice President Baldev Ram, sitting on a road and blocking traffic on Wednesday, despite the ambulance waiting for some clearance. The ambulance driver said he was on his way to "pick up a patient" from Jeevan Hospital when he got stuck in the road blockade. Ram reportedly did not allow the ambulance to pass the site, sources said. Ram, however, alleged he was being framed by a few media persons who had demanded some money. "On Wednesday, the INDIA bloc members were participating in a Bharat Bandh. At around 2pm, I visited the 'Dui Ghat', where RJD members were participating in the strike when the ambulance came. The ambulance was moving. The party workers were asked not to stop it. They (media) just took a photo of the ambulance to make it seem like it was not allowed to go," he said.

Lawrence Bishnoi Becomes Hot Topic During Punjab Assembly's Special Session
Lawrence Bishnoi Becomes Hot Topic During Punjab Assembly's Special Session

NDTV

time30 minutes ago

  • NDTV

Lawrence Bishnoi Becomes Hot Topic During Punjab Assembly's Special Session

New Delhi: On the first day of the special session of the Punjab Assembly, political leaders across party lines addressed the alleged involvement of gangster Lawrence Bishnoi in the murder of Abohar-based businessman Sanjay Verma. AAP ministers, particularly Finance Minister Harpal Cheema, launched a sharp attack on the BJP, accusing it of shielding criminals for political benefit. The matter was not discussed on the floor of the House, but while coming out of it after the session was over. Fashion designer and showroom co-owner Sanjay Verma was shot dead during the day by three men outside his store in Punjab's Abohar city on Monday. "We have taken decisive action in the Abohar murder case. However, we observed BJP leaders reacting emotionally to the government's crackdown. Leaders from Punjab to Delhi appeared shaken by the strict action taken by the AAP-led government. It is clear that BJP leaders are supporting gangsters," Mr Cheema said. Mr Cheema further alleged that everyone knew Lawrence Bishnoi was being held in a Gujarat jail, and that it was the BJP - which has ruled Gujarat for the last 30 years - that had been protecting him. "Now, they are using Bishnoi to take revenge on others. Businessmen are being targeted and killed to create fear among the trading community across the country," he said. The AAP leader accused the BJP of using criminal elements in states where it is not in power. "Wherever the BJP is not in government - including Punjab and other opposition-ruled states - they are using these goons to create instability. Yesterday, a Delhi BJP minister claimed the encounter was fake. Today, another BJP leader also raised questions about it," he said. Mr Cheema maintained that Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann is taking strict action against those who threaten law and order. "The entire country knows that BJP protects criminals. It seems the BJP now intends to form a wing of gangsters within the party. They do not believe in democracy and are trying to disturb non-BJP ruled states to gain political mileage," he said. He added that the people of Punjab are well aware of the BJP's alleged bias against the state. "When Punjab took strong action by eliminating criminals involved in the Sanjay Verma murder case, BJP's demand for a CBI probe clearly indicated that they were protecting goons. They are only trying to score political points, but the AAP government in Punjab is firm in its resolve to maintain law and order," he said. Mr Cheema also said that the state government is ready to take Lawrence Bishnoi into its custody. "We are prepared to take Lawrence Bishnoi into our custody. BJP leaders should accompany us if they are serious about this. The BJP must explain why the Gujarat government is providing protection to Bishnoi," he added. BJP state working president Ashwani Sharma responded by saying that law and order had completely collapsed in Punjab. "Law and order is a state subject. When the AAP government fails to control the situation, it simply starts blaming others, particularly the BJP," he said. Congress leader and Leader of Opposition, Partap Singh Bajwa, also weighed in by saying, "Law and order in Punjab has deteriorated badly."

Decode Politics: How a statue on NDA campus has split open cracks in  Peshwa-Shivaji legacy
Decode Politics: How a statue on NDA campus has split open cracks in  Peshwa-Shivaji legacy

Indian Express

time33 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Decode Politics: How a statue on NDA campus has split open cracks in Peshwa-Shivaji legacy

As Union Home Minister Amit Shah unveiled a statue of Peshwa Bajirao I at the National Defence Academy (NDA) in Khadakwasla on July 4, conspicuous by his absence was Nawab Shadab Ali Bahadur, who claims to be a descendant of the Peshwa through Mastani and Shamsher Bahadur. Shadab Ali Bahadur said he was 'boycotting' the event as he got the invitation at the last minute and was told that he would not be allowed to share the stage with Shah. Bahadur's remarks and subsequent social media posts on the issue have again triggered a debate on the Peshwas' legacy, and the effect that it has had on the politics of Maharashtra and India. What is the lineage of Shadab Ali Bahadur? Shadab Ali comes from the family of Mastani and Peshwa Bajirao I. According to the head of the Maratha Research Centre at Savitribai Phule Pune University (SPPU), Pandurang Balkawade, Mastani was the daughter of Maharaja Chhatrasal of Bundelkhand and his Muslim wife Ruhani Begum. Shamsher Bahadur was Mastani and Bajirao's child. 'Both Ruhani and Mastani were Kabirpanthis. When Shamsher Bahadur was born to Mastani, he was not accepted as a Hindu… Hence, Shamsher Bahadur was not taken into the orthodox Brahmin fold,' Balkawade said. However, Balkawade's research shows, even as Shamsher Bahadur was raised a Muslim, his relations with Bajirao's side of the family were amicable. 'In his letters to his uncle and Bajirao's younger brother, Chimaji Appa, Shamsher Bahadur referred to him as 'Tirthrup', a title reserved for fathers and father-like figures. In return, Appa referred to his nephew as 'chiranjeev', usually used by fathers to address their sons,' Balkawade said. Though not 'allowed' to be a Hindu, Shamsher Bahadur was very much a representative of the Peshwas in North India, and played a valiant role in the third battle of Panipat in 1761, in which he was killed. Later, Shamsher Bahadur's great grandson Ali Bahadur played a key role during the 1857 Mutiny, considered the first war of Independence. Ali Bahadur sided with Tatya Tope (the commander of the Peshwa army) and Rani Laxmibai of Jhansi in their battle against the British. Who were the Peshwas? After the death of Chhatrapati Shivaji and the killing of his son Sambhaji, the Maratha empire stared at the risk of being obliterated. A group of Maratha warriors managed to save Shivaji's second son, Chhatrapati Rajaram, to keep the Maratha empire from crumbling. Peshwas were Brahmins and part of the 'Ashta Pradhans' or eight-member councils established by Shivaji to assist in the administration of his Maratha kingdom. Bajirao inherited the Peshwa title from his father Balaji Vishwanath, who was appointed Peshwa by Shahu I. While the Marathas and Peshwas had a close association initially, relations between the Brahmins and Marathas deteriorated over time, and often flared up in public. The latest row comes at a time when the Marathas, the most dominant community in Maharashtra, have carried out successful protests to secure a quota from the government. Where are Peshwas placed in today's political discourse? Shivaji has gradually been co-opted by right-wing groups as a Hindutva icon, particularly due to his frequent clashes with the Mughal Empire led by Aurangzeb. They project him as the fighter for Hindus against Muslims. In 2020, when Chhatrapati Udayanraje Bhosale, a descendant of Shivaji, jumped ship to the BJP and became a Rajya Sabha MP, NCP(SP) chief Sharad Pawar, a Maratha himself, took a jibe that 'the Peshwas (Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis of the BJP is a Brahmin) were now nominating Chhatrapatis'. Last year, Udayanraje won the Lok Sabha polls from the Satara Lok Sabha seat on a BJP ticket. The Brahmin versus Maratha tussle for dominance also came up a few weeks ago when BJP Rajya Sabha MP Medha Kulkarni demanded that the Pune Railway Station be named after Bajirao. Maratha organisations immediately protested, citing Brahminical hegemony; in turn provoking Brahmin organisations to lodge complaints against Maratha bodies over 'hate speech'. What lies at the bottom of the statue row? Balkawade feels the row over the statue inaugurated by Shah at NDA is being staged, and that there is no deliberate omission of Shadab Ali Bahadur allegedly on grounds of being Muslim. 'When I held a special function at Raverkhedi (in Madhya Pradesh), where the samadhi of Bajirao is located, Ayaz Bahadur and Mahendra Peshwa – descendants of Shamsher Bahadur and Bajirao I respectively – sat together in the puja,' Balkawade said, adding that the VHP was also a part of the ceremony. He believes the invite may not have gone out to Shadab Bahadur for another reason. 'Many so-called descendants are unable to prove their links to dynasties as they do not have any documents,' Balkawade said.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store