logo
In Montana, a rare sight: Republicans and Democrats voting together

In Montana, a rare sight: Republicans and Democrats voting together

Boston Globe03-05-2025
That has made it all the more aggravating for conservative lawmakers to find themselves effectively in the minority this year.
Advertisement
After an intraparty dispute in January, nine Republican state senators began breaking with their caucus on key votes, siding with the 18 Democrats in the 50-person chamber. The result: a 27-person majority that has all but locked Republican leaders out of power.
Get Starting Point
A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday.
Enter Email
Sign Up
Some or all of the Nine, as the Republican defectors are known, have voted with Democrats to reauthorize a Medicaid expansion, establish a child tax credit, increase access to maternal health care, and pass the state budget. They have helped block bills that would have weakened labor unions, made state judicial elections more partisan, and established an unlimited hunting season on wolves.
On Wednesday, the session's final day, they again broke with their party, pushing through a property tax cut to assist residents struggling with soaring home values.
Advertisement
The unusual alliance shows that for all the seeming unanimity in the MAGA movement, Republicans can still clash over policy objectives and the wielding of power. And in an era when advancing legislation often loses out to mocking the opposing party, it shows that some on the right remain more interested in getting things done.
It could prove to be something of a blip: a reversion to bygone reflexes toward compromise belying Montana's steady drift to the right.
Yet, former governor Brian Schweitzer, a Democrat, said politicians elsewhere could learn from the Nine.
'What they've done is said, 'I'm going to vote with the people I represent back home -- and that's not what the party leadership is telling us,'' Schweitzer said.
'We'll haul Congress out here to see how it's done in Montana,' he joked, adding that he would 'put in the first $50' for bus fare.
The Nine argued that they were simply prioritizing smart policy over ideological conformity -- reauthorizing the Medicaid expansion would keep open rural hospitals in their districts, for instance -- and supporting the agenda pushed by Governor Greg Gianforte, also a Republican.
But as President Trump exerts almost total control over the Republican Party, and the country seems bitterly divided along partisan lines more than ever, the GOP schism in Montana has attracted outsized attention.
As the session progressed, other Montana Republicans ramped up a pressure campaign against the defectors, posting their photos on social media, demanding that they quit bucking party leadership and giving them nicknames like the 'Nasty Nine.' In March, Republicans tried to expel one of the senators, Jason Ellsworth, from the Legislature over alleged ethical violations; a majority of Democrats helped block the attempt.
Advertisement
The Montana Republican Party even censured the Nine, saying they would no longer be considered Republicans or receive funding from the state party because of 'the damage they have exacted on the Montana Senate.'
The Nine remained upbeat. Days before the legislative session ended, seven of them sat for an interview in the state Capitol, describing praise from voters, swapping stories of admonishment by local Republican groups, and declaring that such criticism had only strengthened their resolve.
'I always looked at politics when I was younger and you see people work across the aisle,' said Gayle Lammers, a first-term senator. 'I know we're in this new age where division is so hardcore, but why can't we get back to where any reasonable legislation is reasonable legislation? If it's good for Montana, if it's good for your district, why not consider it?'
Even though they have voted with Democrats, the senators say they remain conservative Republicans and strong supporters of Trump. All of them voted for a bill restricting transgender people's use of public bathrooms, and most of them sided with their Republican colleagues on several anti-abortion bills. Josh Kassmier, who emerged as a leader of the Nine, noted that he had sponsored a bill cutting the income tax.
Since Gianforte took office in 2021, Kassmier said, 'we've cut the budget, we've made government more efficient -- that's all Trump politics, right?' He added, 'We're voting on the policy. It's not a deal we've made with the Dems.'
One of the Nine, Wendy McKamey, keeps at her desk a stack of notes from Montanans thanking the group for its courage. 'Give 'Em Hell,' the front of one card reads, above an image of a cowgirl astride a galloping horse.
Advertisement
'They help me own my vote,' McKamey said. 'I will not offend my conscience.'
Although the Legislature's political lines seemed blurred, some lawmakers and analysts suggested the real rift was between those who wanted to make policy and those who sought to obstruct it.
'It's about who is more interested in governing, really,' said Jessi Bennion, a political science professor at Montana State University. Montana's right wing, she said, seemed less interested in conservative fiscal policy than in introducing controversial bills on social issues that jammed up the legislative process.
That put hard-liners on a collision course with Gianforte, who did not endorse Matt Regier, the right-wing Senate president, last year but did endorse a group of relative moderates. The Freedom Caucus issued a rebuttal to Gianforte's State of the State address in January, suggesting that Montana should spend less money than the governor desired and opposing some of his priorities, including Medicaid expansion.
Gianforte has avoided speaking directly about the Nine, and a spokesperson for the governor declined to comment. But he has seemed pleased to have achieved many of his goals.
Despite the recent rightward drift, Big Sky Country has long been proud of its independent streak and small-town values. Montana has voted for a Democratic presidential candidate only once since 1964 -- Bill Clinton in 1992 -- but it had Democratic governors and senators for decades.
In previous legislative sessions, which occur every two years, a loose coalition of Republicans called the Solutions Caucus worked with Democrats to pass bills. But that was easier for Republicans to swallow when a Democratic governor made it necessary to compromise.
Advertisement
What stood out about this year's bipartisanship was the animosity it produced.
The conflict started the first week of the legislative session, when the Nine were assigned to what they say was a sham committee that would have sidelined them from the legislative process -- part of an effort, they argued, to make it easier for Regier and his allies to consolidate power.
The senators pushed back, agreeing with Democrats on alternate committee assignments. From there, they said, the Democrats were only too happy to work with the Nine on some bills.
In an interview, Regier called the bipartisan alliance a 'gut punch.' He said none of the Nine had raised concerns about committee assignments when Republicans met before the session, and suggested the unhappiness was a 'talking point' that provided 'cover for them to side with Democrats.' Efforts to win them back, he said, had been rebuffed.
'We tried and tried,' Regier said. 'It was obvious to see there was some sort of handshake, friendship, collaboration with the Democrats.'
Regier denied that right-wing Republicans were obstructionist and sounded dumbfounded by the Nine's role in locking them out of the legislative process. 'You're scratching your head being like, 'Are you even on our team anymore?'' he said.
Democrats also felt heat for their role in the coalition -- from the left. Bill Lombardi, a former top aide to Tester, faulted the Democratic senators for voting with Republicans on issues such as maintaining a tax on Social Security.
'While working together is good, you can't give away Democratic principles,' Lombardi said. 'Republicans have cemented their position in Montana, and some legislative Democrats think they must hew to the moderate Republican line to get anything.'
Advertisement
But the frustration appears more strongly felt on the right.
Theresa Manzella, a founder of the Freedom Caucus, said right-wing state senators had tried hard to get the Nine to back down but eventually tired of the fight.
'We've resigned ourselves to life in the circus,' she said. 'And, unfortunately, it is our circus, and these are our clowns.'
This article originally appeared in
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ghislaine Maxwell still mulling whether to testify before Oversight Committee, her attorney says
Ghislaine Maxwell still mulling whether to testify before Oversight Committee, her attorney says

New York Post

time4 minutes ago

  • New York Post

Ghislaine Maxwell still mulling whether to testify before Oversight Committee, her attorney says

Ghislaine Maxwell is still weighing whether she will testify before Congress even though the House Oversight Committee subpoenaed her to do so. Earlier this week, the powerful Oversight panel subpoenaed Maxwell for a deposition on Aug. 11 due to the 'immense public interest and scrutiny' surrounding the Jeffrey Epstein case. 'Congress has asked her to testify, we have to make a decision about whether she will do that or not,' her attorney David Oscar Markus told reporters Friday. 'We haven't gotten back to them on whether we'll do that.' The statement signals Maxwell is still mulling whether to plead the Fifth Amendment or other privileges to fend off the subpoena. Should she take the Fifth, the Oversight panel could offer her some type of immunity in a bid to get her to talk. 4 Ghislaine Maxwell could plead her Fifth Amendment rights to avoid testifying before the House Oversight Committee. 4 Attorney David Oscar Markus has argued that Ghislaine Maxwell was unfairly convicted. AP On Thursday and Friday, Maxwell spoke with US Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, President Trump's former defense attorney, about the Epstein case. The unusual meeting between Maxwell and Blanche for a type of interview that is typically left for lower-level Justice Department officials comes amid a public firestorm over the infamous pedophile, who committed suicide in a Manhattan jail cell in August 2019. Maxwell, a British socialite, was found guilty in 2021 of child sex trafficking and engaging in a scheme to exploit minors with Epstein and sentenced in 2022 to 20 years in prison. Markus, who previously did a podcast episode with Blanche before the latter became the US deputy attorney general, said he was proud of his client's performance when asked if the interview altered the calculus of whether she would comply with the Oversight Committee's subpoena. 'I think Ghislaine did a wonderful job. She literally answered every question. She didn't say that 'I'm not going to talk about this person,' ' Markus said. 'She was asked maybe about 100 different people. She answered questions about everybody, and she didn't hold anything back.' 4 Ghislaine Maxwell is serving out a 20-year prison sentence. REUTERS Markus also claimed 'there have been no asks and no promises' made to get her to agree to the interview with Blanche, including the possibility of a pardon from Trump. Earlier Friday, Trump said he hasn't yet contemplated a pardon, but noted, 'I'm allowed to do it.' Maxwell is currently serving out her sentence, something that her legal team has been appealing all the way up to the Supreme Court. Former Epstein attorney Alan Dershowitz has publicly claimed Maxwell 'knows everything' about the convicted child sex offender's crimes. The Trump administration and Republicans have come under intense pressure from the MAGA base to give the public more answers about Epstein. The push for information comes after a July 6 memo from the DOJ and FBI memo said there was insufficient evidence to suggest Epstein even had an 'incriminating client list.' Democrats have sought to exploit the Epstein scandal and put Republicans on the spot with attempts to force a vote to publicly divulge the documents on the notorious sex predator. 4 House Oversight Committee Chairman James Comer has pursued testimony from Ghislaine Maxwell. Getty Images Those efforts resulted in the floor of the House of Representatives effectively becoming frozen due to GOP leadership's efforts to scuttle a Democratic effort to force a vote on Epstein. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and his deputies have been keen to stick with Trump on the Epstein controversy. As a result, Republican leadership decided to send the lower chamber home for the August recess a day early. 'We want full transparency,' Johnson (R-La.) told CBS News' 'The Takeout with Major Garrett' Wednesday. 'We want everybody who is involved in any way with the Epstein evils — let's call it what it was — to be brought to justice as quickly as possible.' 'We want the full weight of the law on their heads.' Meanwhile, Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) and Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) have cooked up a discharge petition, which will allow them to get a vote without GOP leadership's blessing, on a bill to force the release of the Epstein files. That discharge petition is poised to ripen when the House reconvenes in September from the August recess. Trump has expressed support for additional public disclosures in what he has dubbed the 'Epstein hoax' and backed a push by US Attorney General Pam Bondi to pursue court approval for releasing grand jury testimony.

A Kennedy toils in Mississippi, tracing his grandfather's path
A Kennedy toils in Mississippi, tracing his grandfather's path

Boston Globe

time4 minutes ago

  • Boston Globe

A Kennedy toils in Mississippi, tracing his grandfather's path

Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Kennedy nodded to the history. 'I know a bit about my grandfather's visit to the Delta back in the '60s, and how it changed and outraged him to see this in the richest country in the world,' he said. 'I'm proud that my family has spent a lot of their years in office advocating for these people.' Advertisement Kennedy is on a mission to continue the legacy of an American political family that has in recent years lost some of its liberal luster. It angers him that his uncle Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the health and human services secretary, is a key figure in an administration that is overturning core values of his family. Advertisement The health secretary has defended work requirements for Medicaid recipients, 'which do not work,' the younger Kennedy said. 'The only thing they succeed at is kicking people off Medicaid who need it.' On the elder Kennedy's efforts to ban food dyes, his nephew dismissively replied, 'It's not the dyes that are making people obese.' Still, he shares with his uncle the belief that Democrats are increasingly captive to an urban elite. 'I think the Democratic Party has lost touch with this reality,' he said, staring out at the Delta landscape. Joe Kennedy III and his wife, Lauren Anne Birchfield, arrived at the JFK Library, Sunday, May 4, 2025, in Boston. Robert F. Bukaty/Associated Press Kennedy's response is not to run for president as his grandfather did and his uncle might, or at least not yet. Instead he has formed the Groundwork Project, a nonprofit that seeks to develop a network of grassroots resistance in four deep-red states -- Mississippi, Alabama, Oklahoma and West Virginia -- that have received little attention from left-leaning organizations. Without any meaningful opposition, Kennedy said, those states have become havens for right-wing initiatives, ranging from the evisceration of the Clean Air Act in West Virginia to legislation in Mississippi that banned abortions after 15 weeks and led to the Supreme Court's decision overturning Roe v. Wade. 'The only way to change the power structures in those states is to organize people,' Kennedy said. 'That's not a short fix. But what else can you do?' The slow grind of organization-building in hostile territory that Kennedy envisions has been done before, mostly by conservative groups like Americans for Prosperity, which was formed in 2004, operates in 35 states and has an annual operating budget of more than $186 million. In contrast, the Groundwork Project operates on a relatively modest $2.8 million a year, much of it disbursed as $25,000 annual grants to about 40 local groups that have fought uphill battles in areas like environmental justice and reproductive rights. Advertisement But the famous name helps. During a three-day trip to Mississippi to observe the efforts that Groundwork Project is helping to underwrite, locals sometimes referred to its founder in awed tones as 'a Kennedy.' During one gathering of local officials, at a diner in Yazoo City, Kennedy addressed the subject of health care by invoking his lineage, saying, 'My family has focused on this for a long time.' In the next breath, Kennedy pointedly brought up another relative: 'My uncle is now part of an administration that is cutting Medicaid.' Jim Kessler, the executive vice president for policy of the centrist Democratic organization Third Way, speculated about the political subtext of Kennedy's criticisms of his uncle. 'It's all but certain that Bobby Jr. is going to run for president as a Republican in 2028,' Kessler said. 'Maybe part of what the younger Kennedy is doing is reclaiming the family legacy as a way to remind people, 'This is who we really are.'' Joseph P. Kennedy III spoke at Atlantic Technical University in Letterkenny, Donegal, Ireland on Oct. 2. Conor Doherty The Oral History of Family Lore Kennedy was not yet born when Sen. Robert F. Kennedy's quest for the presidency was cut short by an assassin's bullet in California in June 1968. The 42-year-old candidate left behind his widow, Ethel, and their 11 children, among them Robert Jr. and Joseph, Joe Kennedy III's father, who would go on to serve in Congress from 1987 to 1999. Kennedy said that he has never read a book about his grandfather, since from infancy he marinated in the oral history of family lore. Inculcated in him were RFK adages such as, 'The gross national product can tell us everything about America except why we are proud that we are Americans.' Advertisement His own trajectory followed the meticulously laid Kennedy path of public service merging with political advancement. He spent his childhood in Boston before attending Stanford University and subsequently serving two years in the Dominican Republic as a Peace Corps volunteer. He returned home to Massachusetts, graduated from Harvard Law School and then worked as an assistant district attorney in Middlesex County. It came as little surprise in February 2012 when he announced his desire to fill the congressional seat soon to be vacated by Rep. Barney Frank. Kennedy -- an earnest and energetic 31-year-old scion with a genetically distinctive aquiline nose, a toothy grin and wavy red hair that deviated from the family's physical template -- coasted to victory without serious opposition. The freshman won over many colleagues in the House, several of whom said in interviews that they had been braced for an entitled brat and instead encountered someone who was thoughtful and unpretentious. He set out to lead on mental health issues as his cousin, Patrick Kennedy, had done before retiring from Congress in 2011. But Kennedy said he grew dismayed by the chamber's partisan divisions and inexplicable lethargy, recalling, 'Even in the majority, I couldn't move my own bills.' By Kennedy's fourth term, restlessness had gotten the better of him. In September 2019, he announced his candidacy for the Senate, a body in which three Kennedy legends -- his grandfather; his great-uncle, the former president; and his great-uncle Ted -- had previously served. He garnered the support of Rep. Nancy Pelosi, the Democrat who was then the minority leader. Advertisement But the 73-year-old Democratic incumbent, Sen. Edward J. Markey, outfoxed his younger opponent by recasting himself as a rabble-rousing progressive in the manner of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, who endorsed Markey. Kennedy, whose tendency is to speak in carefully constructed paragraphs, struggled to come up with his own pithy pitch to voters. Markey won the September 2020 primary by 11 points, and Kennedy became the first in his family to be defeated in a senatorial contest. President Donald Trump gloated on Twitter, 'Pelosi strongly backed the loser!' Being spurned and disparaged by liberal activists was unfamiliar terrain for a Kennedy, and he spent the remainder of 2020 contemplating his options. 'Losing sucks,' Kennedy said. 'But I made the decision to try to build something that keeps you engaged and energized. And if something comes up, perhaps you take it, but you're not sitting around waiting for that to happen.' Joe Kennedy delivered his election-night in Watertown on Sept. 1, 2020, in his unsuccessful Senate race against Ed Markey John Tlumacki/Globe Staff 'You Democrats Think We Don't Know How to Work?' Rejected by progressive activists, Kennedy turned to forgotten agrarian lands like the Mississippi Delta, which has only one major city (Jackson), and is therefore difficult to organize. It's 'what I call a hard-to-fight state,' said Charles Taylor, the executive director of Mississippi's NAACP chapter. Similar impediments exist in Oklahoma, where Republican legislators have passed severe restrictions on abortion and on what can be taught in public school classrooms about racism. Alabama, a third Groundwork Project state, benefits from a more urban population than Oklahoma or Mississippi. But Democratic get-out-the-vote organizers have been reluctant to operate in a state where there is no in-person early voting and where absentee ballots must be signed by a notary or two voting-age witnesses. Advertisement West Virginia is by far the most challenging for Kennedy. Its overwhelmingly rural and white population was long Democratic, but the collapse of the coal and steel industries in the state have spawned a profound distrust of party elites, Kennedy said. He recalled a visit to West Virginia just after he founded the Groundwork Project, when a bearded young man asked him, 'How come you Democrats think we don't know how to work?' To every such question, Kennedy's implicit answer was to organize. 'I think Mississippi has so much to teach our nation about resilience, never losing focus and not giving up when your government is actively working against you,' he said at an event in Indianola. Kennedy is applying the same calm resolve to his own political future. He and his wife, Lauren Birchfield Kennedy, an attorney and children's advocate, have a 6-year-old son and a 9-year-old daughter. Kennedy laments having missed so much of their infancy while serving in Washington. 'The question is, is what I would get out of going back into elective office worth the sacrifice that I asked my family to go through again?' For now, Kennedy is content to leave the question unanswered. 'I'm 44,' he said. 'And at some point down the road, I wouldn't necessarily rule anything out.' This article originally appeared in

'That kind of thing really dings Trump hard,' former Congressman Joe Walsh quipped of the opening episode to the show's 27th season.
'That kind of thing really dings Trump hard,' former Congressman Joe Walsh quipped of the opening episode to the show's 27th season.

Yahoo

time33 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

'That kind of thing really dings Trump hard,' former Congressman Joe Walsh quipped of the opening episode to the show's 27th season.

A top former member of the Republican Party has explained why the opening episode of South Park's 27th season hit President Donald Trump where it hurts. 'Remember, a lot of Trump's base, they're not Republicans. They're just men—they're guys who typically don't belong to a party, they don't vote all the time, and they watch South Park,' former Illinois Congressman Joe Walsh, who's since defected to the Democrats, told MSNBC. 'They watched an episode this week where Trump looked really silly and stupid—a big fat man with a teeny, tiny penis. I think that kind of thing really dings Trump hard, too,' he added. 'No pun intended.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store