Malaysia Focuses On Strengthening Intra-ASEAN Trade
KUALA LUMPUR, July 24 (Bernama) -- Malaysia is focusing on strengthening the ASEAN economic framework by boosting intra-ASEAN trade to ensure the continuity of the region's agenda, said Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan.
He said that amid growing global uncertainty, emphasis is now being placed on reinforcing regional economic ties to reduce dependence on traditional external trading partners.
'We can't rely too heavily on our traditional trading partners. Within ASEAN itself, trade among member states is very low, not even reaching 25 per cent.
'Therefore, we've introduced a framework to ensure that trade among ASEAN countries is enhanced,' he said during Minister's Question Time in the Dewan Rakyat today.
He was responding to a supplementary question from Manndzri Nasib (BN-Tenggara) on the key initiatives implemented and planned to ensure the continuity of ASEAN's agenda after Malaysia's chairmanship.
Mohamad said key initiatives being pursued include the implementation of ASEAN Vision 2045, a 20-year plan themed "Our Shared Future", aimed at raising ASEAN's economic standing to be on par with its existing political influence.
'We need to enhance economic activities among ourselves …even if we increase (intra-ASEAN trade) to 30 or 40 per cent, that would be a significant achievement to reduce the dependence of ASEAN countries, especially Malaysia,' he said.
To that end, Mohamad said Malaysia is also diversifying its markets through participation in the BRICS bloc, which represents over 40 per cent of the world's population and 25 per cent of global GDP, while also promoting a strategic trilateral partnership between ASEAN, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and China.
'If we can integrate these three major blocs effectively, we have a very promising future. The Gulf countries have strong purchasing power and abundant resources; ASEAN has a large workforce and rich natural resources; and China has a vast market.
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Validity based on law
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'Upon his death, those assets would not be included in his estate because they were already placed in trust during his lifetime. 'The trustee would then distribute the assets to the child according to the terms of the trust, and other heirs could not challenge it because legally, the assets no longer belonged to the deceased at the time of death,' he says, adding that trusts usually involve costs and require professional management. 'Wills can be challenged' Explaining that Muslims can also consider making a will, Mahmud says this is permissible within certain limits, one of which is that only up to one-third of the estate (after deducting debts) can be given to non-heirs. Additionally, a will cannot include faraid heirs – unless with the consent of all other heirs. A will is a written or verbal declaration by someone about how their assets should be distributed after death and it only takes effect upon their passing. 'If the will exceeds the legal limit, or is made in favour of a faraid heir without the consent of others, it can be challenged. 'Any portion exceeding one-third will revert to faraid distribution, and any bequest to an heir without consent will be invalid, unless all other heirs agree to it. 'For Muslims, a will must be validated by the Syariah Court via a will confirmation order, whereas for non-Muslims, the probate process must be conducted in the Civil Court before assets can be distributed. 'Wills take time and may be contested if there are questions about their validity,' he adds. 'Documents must be complete' To ensure a hibah is strong and less likely to be challenged, Mahmud says both the giver and the recipient must make sure that its documentation is clear and complete. It should include details such as the identities of the giver and the recipient; a description of the asset to be given as gift; declarations of the offer and acceptance; signatures; and witnesses. He also says the hibah documents must be free of ambiguity and meet all requirements of Islamic law and existing regulations. 'It's always better for a hibah to be done in writing – rather than verbally – as written documents serve as strong proof of intention and mutual consent. 'Moreover, anyone planning to gift assets through hibah is encouraged to seek Syariah Court confirmation and prepare formal documentation. 'Confirmation from the Syariah Court (via a hibah confirmation order) certifies the validity of the hibah under Islamic law and makes it binding on other heirs. 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The Star
6 hours ago
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Asean's parallel diplomacy on Myanmar: Creativity sans coordination
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This trap reveals both institutional stagnation and growing division among Asean member states. Rather than forging a cohesive and principled regional strategy, Asean has allowed individual member states to pursue uncoordinated and improvised national initiatives. These fragmented actions, often detached from Asean's formal mechanisms, have bred confusion, diluted collective pressure on the junta and eroded public confidence in the bloc's credibility. Parallel diplomacy, by nature, is not inherently flawed. Informal channels, Track 1.5 dialogues and backchannel negotiations can play crucial roles in complex conflict contexts. However, when these efforts unfold without coordination or a shared strategic vision, they risk undermining peace building efforts. Fragmented diplomacy, in such a case, becomes a symptom of disunity, not a strategy for flexibility. Thailand's approach to the Myanmar crisis exemplifies the consequences of this incoherence. Often operating outside Asean frameworks, Thailand has spearheaded what has come to be known as the 'Bangkok Process', a series of direct engagements with Myanmar's military regime. This began with then-foreign minister Don Pramudwinai's visit to Naypyidaw in 2021 and continued with the appointment of a Thai special envoy to Myanmar. Several informal consultations followed, including meetings involving the junta and its closest allies. In December 2022, Thailand hosted a closed-door meeting that included junta representatives and the foreign ministers of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore boycotted the meeting, citing their commitment to the 5PC and objected to the junta's inclusion. Similar meetings followed in June 2023 and December 2024, often framed around humanitarian engagement. The latter was attended by ministers from Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore, with the rest sending lower-level delegates. These moves signalled improvisation over unity, diplomacy over strategy. Indonesia as Asean chair in 2023, meanwhile, held consultations with over 145 stakeholders, including resistance groups, by September that year. These engagements evolved into an informal Joint Coordination Body known as the "Jakarta Club", which remains active today. The January 2025 Asean Foreign Ministers' Retreat further highlighted the region's growing fragmentation over Myanmar. The Philippines proposed a new political framework, while Vietnam called for the inclusion of ethnic armed organisations in future dialogue. These diverging positions do not signal healthy pluralism, they reflect deepening strategic incoherence within Asean. In April, Malaysia initiated direct engagement with the National Unity Government Myanmar's civilian-led opposition. However, diplomatic courtesies and technical cooperation with the junta continue in parallel, lending de facto legitimacy to the military regime while reducing pro-democracy actors to symbolic participants. The emergence of multiple informal mechanisms, such as Indonesia's Jakarta Club, Thailand's Bangkok Process and Malaysia's dual-track diplomacy, reflects both innovation and disarray in Asean's approach. These ad-hoc efforts, in the absence of a unified strategy, illustrate Asean's drift: engaging both the junta and the opposition without a coherent political roadmap risks perpetuating stalemate rather than resolving the crisis. Part of this incoherence stems from Asean's institutional structure. The rotating nature of the Special Envoy, changing with each Asean Chair, undermines continuity and long-term strategy. Compounding this, minister-level envoy is no longer on the table. While some of these adjustments are framed as strategic, they also reflect the bloc's limited political will and uneven commitment to addressing the crisis. Another structural flaw lies in Asean's lack of a clear, enforceable mechanism to address unconstitutional changes of government. This institutional gap not only enables impunity but makes the bloc complicit in democratic backsliding. Without the courage to confront member states that violate core democratic norms, the bloc merely adds strain to its already fragile regionalism project. Another disunity has been revealed in member states' responses to Myanmar's planned 2025 elections, to be held later this year. Malaysia and Singapore have rightly questioned the vote's legitimacy, while Thailand remains neutral and Cambodia has even offered to send observers. These divergent positions highlight Asean's chronic inability to speak with one voice on fundamental democratic principles, undermining its credibility and emboldening authoritarian actors within and beyond Myanmar. Asean stands at a critical juncture shaped by crisis, centrality and conscience. This photo taken on December 10, 2023 shows members of the Mandalay People's Defense Forces (MDY-PDF) heading to the frontline amid clashes with the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Myanmar's junta ended the country's state of emergency on July 31, 2025, ramping up preparations for a December election being boycotted by opposition groups and criticised by international monitors. — AFP The humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar, marked by mass killings, displacement and aid blockades, has spilled across borders, fuelling instability and transnational crime. Some advocate for using all diplomatic tools, including parallel tracks, but innovation without principled leadership and a unified strategy risks becoming a smokescreen for inaction rather than a path to peace. The true test of Asean's centrality is no longer its ability to speak in uniformity, but to harmonise many voices without losing the plot. Centrality must mean more than procedural prominence, it must signal strategic coherence and moral leadership. The Myanmar crisis has revealed troubling signs of institutional drift, and unless corrected, Asean's foundational claims to unity and purpose will ring increasingly empty. Above all, Asean must summon moral clarity. Leading with conscience means naming the perpetrators, supporting the victims and rejecting impunity masquerading as diplomacy. — The Jakarta Post/ANN Yuyun Wahyuningrum is executive director of Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).