Morocco's Interior Ministry Suspends Caid Over Alleged Corruption
In a statement, the ministry said that its decision is part of its commitment to upholding 'public service ethics.'
The measure is also part of the ministry's daily monitoring of the work of authority agents, the ministry added. It said that the decision followed the opening of a judicial investigation into the Caid's suspected involvement in a corruption case.
'Appropriate administrative measures will be taken against him in accordance with the laws and regulations in force, based on the results of the investigation and judicial proceedings,' the statement concluded.
A recent ranking by Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perception Index ranked Morocco 99th out of 180 countries.
In February, the Index gave Morocco a score of 37/100, indicating continued challenges due to corruption.
Compared to the 2023 ranking, Morocco lost one point.
The index uses a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates high corruption levels and 100 represents complete integrity.
Morocco maintains eighth position in the Arab world, ahead of Algeria (107th), Egypt (130th), Mauritania (130th), and Iraq (140th).
The United Arab Emirates leads the regional rankings at 23rd globally with 68 points, followed by Qatar and Saudi Arabia sharing 38th position with 59 points each, and Oman ranking 50th with 55 points. Tags: anti-corruptionAnti-Corruption in Morocco
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Morocco's Interior Ministry Suspends Caid Over Alleged Corruption
Rabat – Morocco's Ministry of Interior has announced the suspension of a Caid, a local administrative authority, in Marrakech due to his alleged involvement in a corruption offense. In a statement, the ministry said that its decision is part of its commitment to upholding 'public service ethics.' The measure is also part of the ministry's daily monitoring of the work of authority agents, the ministry added. It said that the decision followed the opening of a judicial investigation into the Caid's suspected involvement in a corruption case. 'Appropriate administrative measures will be taken against him in accordance with the laws and regulations in force, based on the results of the investigation and judicial proceedings,' the statement concluded. A recent ranking by Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perception Index ranked Morocco 99th out of 180 countries. In February, the Index gave Morocco a score of 37/100, indicating continued challenges due to corruption. Compared to the 2023 ranking, Morocco lost one point. The index uses a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates high corruption levels and 100 represents complete integrity. Morocco maintains eighth position in the Arab world, ahead of Algeria (107th), Egypt (130th), Mauritania (130th), and Iraq (140th). The United Arab Emirates leads the regional rankings at 23rd globally with 68 points, followed by Qatar and Saudi Arabia sharing 38th position with 59 points each, and Oman ranking 50th with 55 points. Tags: anti-corruptionAnti-Corruption in Morocco
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Marrakech – French intelligence documents classified as 'highly confidential' have exposed the full scope of Morocco's pivotal support for Algeria's independence struggle. Recently published by Algerian political analyst Oualid Kebir, these classified documents from July 27, 1959, were sent directly to General Challe's office in Algeria and reveal one of history's most remarkable chapters of cross-border solidarity. The intelligence reports, never intended for public disclosure, meticulously document how Morocco transformed itself into a strategic rear base for the Algerian revolution under King Mohammed V's leadership. Far from merely offering diplomatic rhetoric, Morocco provided comprehensive military, logistical, and humanitarian assistance that fundamentally altered the course of Algeria's battle against French colonization. King Mohammed V approached this support with sophisticated strategic vision, balancing solidarity with sovereignty requirements. According to the French documents, the King's position was guided by three advanced objectives that were formulated according to regional and international circumstances. First, he aimed to establish Moroccan leadership of a 'Maghreb Union' independent from Nasser's Cairo bloc, seeking to cement Morocco's role as a leading power in North Africa. Second, he wanted to maintain the Moroccan monarchy's prestige in the Arab world by providing 'remarkable assistance' to Algerian brothers. Third, he carefully balanced relations with France by maintaining minimum financial and technical cooperation to avoid an open confrontation that might threaten Morocco's recently gained independence. The only way to reconcile these three imperatives, according to the document, was King Mohammed V's vision of positioning himself as a 'mediator' or 'arbitrator' in the Algerian conflict. This allowed him to gain the trust of the Arab world while maintaining ties with the West, creating a complex but politically astute equation. The effectiveness of this approach is vividly confirmed by historical testimony from the late Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, who recounted an important meeting with King Mohammed V in Madrid. 'I felt embarrassed to take out my list of requests,' Ben Bella later revealed in an Al Jazeera interview, 'because he had already offered us twice what we were going to ask for.' Support was national: From cabinet rooms to campus protests This royal commitment cascaded throughout the Moroccan government. As cited by the French documents, Abdallah Ibrahim's government provided tangible and effective support to Algerian revolutionaries at all levels. This support wasn't limited to slogans of unity among North African countries but was translated into field decisions. Morocco allowed the establishment of military bases for the National Liberation Army (ALN) on its territory, received Algerian refugees and provided political and humanitarian protection, issued Moroccan passports to members of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), and even used diplomatic pouches to transport sensitive communications and documents. Judicial authorities overlooked certain revolutionary activities within the country, at times secretly releasing detained FLN members to support the cause. Moreover, Nador was converted into a radio communications center serving revolutionary propaganda, while logistical networks facilitated weapons transport, the construction of military bases, training camps, and ammunition depots across the region. All this, as the document indicates, was not subject to internal dispute or government hesitation, but received clear approval from the Moroccan cabinet. This confirms that Morocco officially chose to support the Algerian revolution, even at the risk of straining ties with France. The documents speak of a crucial role played by Moroccan leader Abderrahim Bouabid, who did not hesitate to announce Morocco's full commitment to supporting the FLN during a meeting with Ferhat Abbas. Bouabid clearly expressed Morocco's vision of providing 'comprehensive and complete support,' in a political declaration reflecting the Moroccan state's engagement in the Algerian struggle not as circumstantial solidarity but as a strategic position consistent with the spirit and necessities of the era. The documents also show that Moroccan support wasn't limited to the government but extended to political parties, unions, students, and broad segments of the population. The support extended deep into Moroccan society. Despite its official ban since 1952, the Moroccan Communist Party continued promoting the revolution through propaganda channels. Meanwhile, the Moroccan Workers' Union provided significant material and moral support to its Algerian counterpart (UGTA). The National Union of Moroccan Students played a central role in providing forged cards, postal boxes, and strong propaganda support within Moroccan universities. Southeastern Morocco became a backbone of Algeria's military operations Perhaps most remarkably, the documents reveal the existence of an FLN intelligence network operating within Morocco since October 1958. This mission, which managed documentation centers, surveillance, espionage, and coordination offices, operated with the tacit approval of Moroccan authorities and worked in parallel with Moroccan security agencies, notably cooperating with them on several sensitive files. Led by Lagha Zaoui, this network maintained direct contact with Moroccan intelligence services, collaborating on interrogating Algerian detainees, handling French army deserters, and pursuing agents involved in counter-revolutionary activities. The military dimension of Morocco's support was equally substantial. The country hosted key command structures of the National Liberation Army, including the Western Staff Headquarters in Nador, Region 5 Authority in Oujda, and Zone 8 Command in Figuig. Dozens of logistical bases strategically positioned throughout southeastern Morocco provided critical infrastructure for the revolution. The Boubker-Touissit base served as a major supply hub, while the Figuig-Bouanane base facilitated cross-border operations. These facilities weren't merely staging grounds but comprehensive military installations with dedicated centers for manufacturing mines, storing ammunition, and conducting specialized training for Algerian fighters. Additionally, Morocco established a network of field hospitals, rest centers for exhausted fighters, and even camps for prisoners of war captured during operations against French forces. The documents estimate the number of Algerian fighters in Morocco between 3,000 and 4,000 men, some of whom were preparing to cross the border into Algeria on the eve of Mohammed V's negotiations with President de Gaulle, as an indirect political pressure message. Despite Morocco's exceptional support for the Algerian revolution, the relationship was not without friction. The documents reveal several points of contention, including tensions over the ambitions of certain FLN elements in Moroccan border regions and repeated clashes between French forces and Algerian revolutionaries that originated from Moroccan territory. Moroccan authorities also expressed reservations about the conduct of FLN intelligence operatives operating within the country, alongside suspicions regarding the Front's ambiguous stance during the Rif unrest in Morocco. Furthermore, the failure of FLN representative Kheireddin to fully earn the trust of Moroccan officials further strained relations between the two sides. Morocco bore the political and diplomatic consequences of that deep moral alignment The foundation of solidarity, however, remained unshaken. As Libyan historian Ali Mohammed Al-Sallabi documented, King Mohammed V publicly championed Algeria's cause during a September 1956 speech in Oujda, directly challenging French colonial narratives. When France retaliated by hijacking a plane carrying Algerian revolutionary leaders who were the King's guests, Mohammed V declared to France Tireur newspaper that this act was 'a more dangerous blow to his honor than his dethronement,' considering the leaders were abducted while under his protection. The King's commitment extended to rejecting lucrative French offers. In 1957, he declined a potentially beneficial oil deal in Algeria, considering it an affront to the dignity of the Algerian people who desperately needed support from their neighbors. His practical assistance included placing approximately five hundred Moroccan volunteers from Marrakech at the disposal of the National Liberation Army (ALN) and establishing safe medical facilities for injured Algerian revolutionaries along the border. By 1960, the King's support had only intensified. After receiving complaints from an Algerian governmental delegation during a visit to Marrakech about harassment by French consuls in the border regions, Mohammed V immediately ordered the closure of the consulates in Oujda and Bouarfa. When Ferhat Abbas, head of the Algerian provisional government, subsequently visited Rabat, he declared: 'Algeria is Morocco, and our solidarity is eternal. The Sahara is an issue that concerns Algeria and Morocco alone, and in no way concerns French colonialism – neither directly nor indirectly.' What these French documents unintentionally reveal is that Morocco wasn't merely a host geography for revolutionaries but an actual partner in Algeria's liberation battle. Morocco didn't simply offer sanctuary; it integrated Algeria's liberation struggle into its own national security framework, accepting serious diplomatic risk in the process. From royal palace to government ministries, from student unions to border villages, Morocco transformed itself into an essential component of Algeria's independence movement. These once-classified pages, written in secrecy by French intelligence, reveal a forgotten alliance that reshaped North Africa's decolonization. They offer a sweeping account of a gripping history of pan-Maghrebi solidarity, which the Algerian military regime would soon bury beneath propaganda, having turned its back on Morocco at the first opportunity to support separatism and hostility. Read also: The Last Believers: Memory, Mirage, and the Failed Promises of the Algerian Revolution
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