
K Kavitha's 72-Hour Fast Ends On Day 1 After High Court Order
K Kavitha - MLC of Bharat Rashtra Samithi and president of Telangana Jagruti -- ended her proposed 72-hour hunger strike to demand 42 per cent quota for backward classes, on Day One following court orders. Ms Kavitha has demanded a separate 10 per cent reservation for Muslims, arguing that would make 42 per cent reservation for Backward Classes easier.
The protest, organised under the banner of her cultural organization Telangana Jagruthi, was only permitted by police from 10 am to 4 pm, leading her to end the fast prematurely.
Ms Kavitha, who had already filed a writ petition in the Telangana High Court, had stated her intention to pursue the matter legally to secure permission for a full 72-hour protest.
But the High Court, in a hearing, declined to issue an interim order directing the police to grant permission for the full duration of the fast. Justice K Lakshman did suspend one of the police-imposed conditions, which had restrained Ms Kavitha from posting content about the hunger strike on social media.
No major rift, only little disturbance, have already acknowledged it, hope & believe some day high command will address it & #AllWillBeWell, says @RaoKavitha in #exclusive chat even as the #TelanganaJagruti president sat on dharna adorned in green-white instead of @BRSparty pink pic.twitter.com/sWmkYRnmm3
— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) August 4, 2025
The court has directed the police to file their counters by next week, and Ms Kavitha's legal team is expected to continue its efforts to secure permission for a extended protest in the future.
In addition to her demands for reservation, Ms Kavitha also used the platform to address internal rifts within the BRS, accusing a "big leader" in her party of instigating derogatory remarks against her.
While she did not name anyone, her comments were widely seen as a criticism of her brother and BRS working president, KT Rama Rao.
When NDTV asked about the rift in the family, she dismissed it saying there was no rift, only a minor disturbance. Despite the internal conflict, Ms Kavitha maintained an optimistic tone, saying "hope the high command will sort it out one day and all will be well."

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
31 minutes ago
- Time of India
MLA: Forest land along Nagaland freed post-eviction to be fenced
1 2 Guwahati: Forest areas freed from encroachments of migrant Muslims of Bangladesh/East Pakistan origin in Golaghat are set to be fenced along the Assam-Nagaland border following phase-wise plantation drives, said Sarupathar MLA Biswajit Phukan. He was overseeing the large-scale eviction drive, which resulted in the reclamation of about 10,000 bighas of forest land. While there have been fresh concerns among a section of families regarding the movement of Nagas in the border zone of Rengma and Nambor South Reserve Forests, Phukan said the question of Naga encroachment does not arise. Sources said although there are Naga settlements within Rengma and Nambor South, they have more presence at Nambor South, with shops and houses constructed there. In some locations in Rengma and Nambor South, Bodo and Nepali families coexist with Nagas. In light of this, a comprehensive drone survey is underway at Rengma and Nambor South to survey reclaimed forest area following eviction drives. "There are no encroachment attempts by Nagas in and around Rengma or Nambor South. This is a border area. Naga villages may exist on Assam land. They are not our enemies. But the boundary with Nagaland and Naga settlements inside Assam are different," Phukan told TOI, on Monday. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like No annual fees for life UnionBank Credit Card Apply Now Undo He added that plantations to be undertaken in the reclaimed forest areas will be safeguarded through fencing, which will also protect Assam's forest land from further there was no eviction drive on Monday, sources said that plans are underway to conduct eviction drives in four more villages in Rengma RF—No. 1 Madhupur, Haldibari, Rananagar, and Hatidubi soon. Since Sunday, notices have been served and a drone survey is in progress to identify encroached forest areas in these four villages, where migrant Muslims of Bangladesh/East Pakistan origin have predominantly settled on encroached forest land over the years. From August 8, another eviction is set to begin at Negheribil under Doyang RF in Golaghat. Officials mentioned that 205 encroacher families have been identified in the Negheribil area.


NDTV
3 hours ago
- NDTV
K Kavitha's 72-Hour Fast Ends On Day 1 After High Court Order
Hyderabad: K Kavitha - MLC of Bharat Rashtra Samithi and president of Telangana Jagruti -- ended her proposed 72-hour hunger strike to demand 42 per cent quota for backward classes, on Day One following court orders. Ms Kavitha has demanded a separate 10 per cent reservation for Muslims, arguing that would make 42 per cent reservation for Backward Classes easier. The protest, organised under the banner of her cultural organization Telangana Jagruthi, was only permitted by police from 10 am to 4 pm, leading her to end the fast prematurely. Ms Kavitha, who had already filed a writ petition in the Telangana High Court, had stated her intention to pursue the matter legally to secure permission for a full 72-hour protest. But the High Court, in a hearing, declined to issue an interim order directing the police to grant permission for the full duration of the fast. Justice K Lakshman did suspend one of the police-imposed conditions, which had restrained Ms Kavitha from posting content about the hunger strike on social media. No major rift, only little disturbance, have already acknowledged it, hope & believe some day high command will address it & #AllWillBeWell, says @RaoKavitha in #exclusive chat even as the #TelanganaJagruti president sat on dharna adorned in green-white instead of @BRSparty pink — Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) August 4, 2025 The court has directed the police to file their counters by next week, and Ms Kavitha's legal team is expected to continue its efforts to secure permission for a extended protest in the future. In addition to her demands for reservation, Ms Kavitha also used the platform to address internal rifts within the BRS, accusing a "big leader" in her party of instigating derogatory remarks against her. While she did not name anyone, her comments were widely seen as a criticism of her brother and BRS working president, KT Rama Rao. When NDTV asked about the rift in the family, she dismissed it saying there was no rift, only a minor disturbance. Despite the internal conflict, Ms Kavitha maintained an optimistic tone, saying "hope the high command will sort it out one day and all will be well."


The Hindu
3 hours ago
- The Hindu
The race for the Catholic vote in Kerala
On July 25, when the Chhattisgarh police arrested two nuns from Kerala on charges of forced conversion and trafficking, political parties in the southern State sprang into action. In a rare, united show of urgency, the LDF and the UDF dispatched separate delegations to Chhattisgarh. The BJP is in power in Chhattisgarh; yet its Kerala unit also sent a team, determined not to be outdone. All their efforts paid off as the nuns were finally granted bail by an NIA court. This wasn't the first time that Christian missionaries from Kerala faced legal trouble or vigilante hostility in north India. However, what set this case apart, and gave it sharp political resonance, was that the nuns were Catholic. Their detention triggered anger, coming as it did just months ahead of two elections: one to the local bodies and another to the Assembly. As Kerala's third largest demographic group after Hindus and Muslims, Christians, especially Catholics, have long wielded significant influence in the State — not just in education, healthcare, and charitable initiatives, but also in politics and policymaking. However, in the last few years, the community appeared to drift to the political margins. Attention turned inwards, with growing concerns over issues such as the massive wave of youth migration to the West. The Chhattisgarh episode thrust the Church back into the spotlight even as there remains ambiguity about its political alignment. Historically, the Catholic vote was regarded a pillar of support for the Congress-led UDF, especially in the central Travancore region. But that relationship began to weaken after the fall of the UDF government. The death of Kerala Congress patriarch K.M. Mani and of senior Congress leader Oommen Chandy further deepened the disconnect. The CPI(M)-led LDF was quick to seize the opportunity. By aligning with Kerala Congress (M), a splinter group with Catholic roots, it managed to break into the UDF stronghold in central Travancore. In the last Assembly elections, the LDF not only retained power, but also made significant inroads into Catholic-majority constituencies. The Church, however, did not remain silent. It challenged the LDF government on issues such as agrarian distress and wild animal attacks. Trying to reclaim lost ground, the Congress in May named Sunny Joseph, a Catholic leader with strong ties across the Catholic dioceses of central Travancore and Malabar, as head of the party in Kerala. As the Congress holds just three of the 21 seats in central Travancore, it is hoping that this appointment will lead to its political revival. Meanwhile, the BJP has been slowly cultivating the Catholic vote in Kerala. What began as an unspoken alignment on shared anxieties, such as 'love jihad' and 'narcotic jihad', gradually evolved into a strategic outreach effort. The party began inducting Christian leaders and building quiet channels with sections of the Church. In April 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the Sacred Heart Cathedral Church in New Delhi and then met with top bishops in Kochi. However, the honeymoon was short-lived. The violence against churches in Manipur severely strained this fledgling alliance. The BJP then attempted course correction by echoing the Church's criticism of pro-Palestinian rhetoric from rival parties and by supporting the Kerala Catholic Bishops' Council's call for greater political engagement from Christians. The Waqf Board land controversy in Munambam also helped the party attract segments of the Catholic clergy and laity. Recognising the growing political stakes, the Church has begun to assert itself more in public affairs. Yet beneath this assertion lies an internal dissonance. While a few clergy members appear willing to engage with the BJP, a large section remains cautious, primarily due to the party's ties with Hindutva groups known for anti-Christian rhetoric. Just as Kerala's political class started to realise that Catholic votes are in play, the Chhattisgarh episode unfolded. For the Catholic Church, the arrests served as a wake-up call about how its clergy and members are perceived, especially in parts of north and central India. The next two election cycles could determine how the Church chooses to position itself politically. For now, every party is on high alert, knowing that this once-reliable bloc is no longer guaranteed, but is very much worth fighting for.