
Former prime minister's palace in Bangladesh to become revolution museum
Photographs of jubilant flag-waving crowds clambering onto the rooftop of the Dhaka palace after Hasina fled by helicopter to India were a defining image of the culmination of student-led protests that toppled her government on Aug. 5, 2024.
One year later, with the South Asian nation of around 170 million people still in political turmoil, the authorities hope the sprawling Ganabhaban palace offers a message to the future.
Graffiti daubed on the walls condemning her regime remains untouched.
"Freedom," one message reads. "We want justice."
Hasina's rule saw widespread human rights abuses, including the mass detention and extrajudicial killings of her political opponents.
Up to 1,400 people were killed between July and August 2024 in her failed bid to cling to power, according to the United Nations.
The 77-year-old has defied court orders to attend her ongoing trial on charges amounting to crimes against humanity in Dhaka, accusations she denies.
"Dictator," another message reads, among scores being protected for posterity. "Killer Hasina."
Muhammad Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner who is leading the caretaker government until elections are held in early 2026, said the conversion to a museum would "preserve memories of her misrule and the people's anger when they removed her from power."
'Symbol of fascism'
Mosfiqur Rahman Johan, 27, a rights activist and documentary photographer, was one of the thousands who stormed the luxurious palace, when crowds danced in her bedroom, feasted on food from the kitchens, and swam in the lake Hasina used to fish in.
"It will visualize and symbolize the past trauma, the past suffering — and also the resistance," he said.
"Ganabhaban is a symbol of fascism, the symbol of an autocratic regime."
The complex was built by Hasina's father, the first leader of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and Hasina made it her official residence during her 15 years in power.
Mosfiqur Rahman Johan, a rights activist and documentary photographer, in front of the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, in Dhaka on July 28 |
AFP-JIJI
Tanzim Wahab, the curator of the under-construction museum, said that exhibits would include artifacts of the protesters killed.
Their life stories will be told through films and photographs, while plaques will host the names of the people killed by the security forces during the longer period of Hasina's rule.
"The museum's deeper purpose is retrospective, looking back at the long years of misrule and oppression," said Wahab.
"That, I believe, is one of the most important aspects of this project."
Wahab said the museum would include animation and interactive installations, as well as documenting the tiny cells where Hasina's opponents were detained in suffocating conditions.
"We want young people ... to use it as a platform for discussing democratic ideas, new thinking, and how to build a new Bangladesh," Wahab said.
'Statues of dictatorship'
That chimes with the promised bolstering of democratic institutions that interim leader Yunus wants to ensure before elections — efforts slowed as political parties jostle for power.
The challenges he faces are immense, warned Human Rights Watch ahead of the one-year anniversary of the revolution.
"The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights," HRW said.
But while Hasina's palace is being preserved, protesters have torn down many other visible signs of her rule.
Statues of Hasina's father were toppled, and portraits of the duo torn and torched.
Protesters even used digger excavators to smash down the home of the late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman — that Hasina had turned into a museum to her father.
"When the dictatorship falls, its Mecca will go, too," said Muhibullah Al Mashnun, who was among the crowds that tore down the house.
The 23-year-old student believes that removing such symbols was necessary for Bangladesh to move forward to a better future.
"They were the statues of dictatorship," Mashnun said.
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The Diplomat
8 hours ago
- The Diplomat
Bangladesh Interim Government's Weakened Counterterrorism Approach
A year after the fall of the Awami League (AL) government in Bangladesh, the interim administration led by Nobel laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus finds itself at a critical juncture. While the government has focused on political and economic reforms, a concerning shift has occurred in its approach to counterterrorism (CT). The proactive and zero-tolerance stance of the previous administration has been replaced by what many insiders describe as a 'too soft approach,' creating a vacuum that militants are reportedly exploiting to reorganize and re-establish their networks. Radical preaching and propaganda activities continue unabated in both online and on-the-ground spaces, something that, many observers feel, might lead to mass radicalization, especially of youth. One of the key trends observed over the past year is the merging of traditional religious fundamentalism in Bangladesh with a more hardline ideology propagated by a new generation of urban and tech-savvy extremists with mainstream academic backgrounds. These new actors leverage their educational credentials and digital expertise to portray violent ideologies as intellectually and morally sound, which resonates with a younger, urban, and educated demographic. The trend has intensified since the August 2024 regime change in Dhaka, which allowed previously isolated extremist groups to forge alliances on common platforms to organize public events in the major cities of Bangladesh. A Shift in Counterterrorism Policy The current problem stems from a major policy shift by the interim government, which has not only publicly downplayed the threat of terrorism and extremism but has also actively disempowered the very agencies meant to combat it. Although the culture of denial is not new, what is new is the crippling of the security agencies by deliberately diverting them from counterterrorism. Experienced counterterrorism professionals have been sidelined, dismissed, or transferred to insignificant posts. Others have faced intimidation through police cases. This has created an internal crisis that has severely limited these agencies' ability to proactively respond to threats. According to multiple security and intelligence sources who spoke to this writer on condition of anonymity, there are significant concerns that Bangladesh's security agencies have become 'toothless tigers,' unable to operate effectively without the government's backing — a backing that is conspicuously absent. This is described as a direct consequence of a deep-seated lack of trust between the new cabinet and the security services. Many in the interim government reportedly harbor resentment from their past harassment under the previous regime, and this 'bitter experience has shaped their perception.' The result is a breakdown in communication and coordination, with once-regular inter-agency anti-terrorism meetings having ground to a halt. Dangerous Consequences This 'too soft approach' has negative consequences. A disturbing trend has emerged of convicted Islamist militants, some sentenced to life imprisonment or even death, being released on bail, often without any public explanation for their release. Many of these bails were granted under questionable circumstances, and it is not known if due procedure was followed. Security agencies believe that several high-ranking influential figures within the interim government are deliberately facilitating the release of convicted Islamist militants or at least have taken no action to prevent this trend, which has become normalized. This is compounded by an ineffective prosecution system, where the Attorney General's office is seen as a bottleneck that does not build effective cases against the accused. According to some observers, the presence of controversial figures in the Yunus government, such as an advisor with alleged ties to the proscribed group Hizb-ut-Tahrir Bangladesh (HTB), only deepens the concern that this shift is not merely a matter of neglect but a deliberate strategy. A New Political Landscape: The Rise of Islamist Forces The political landscape is also undergoing a dramatic transformation, favoring the rise of Islamist forces. The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), a party with a controversial history of taking part in genocide and crimes against humanity during Bangladesh's Liberation War in 1971, is re-emerging as a significant and highly organized political force. A massive public rally in Dhaka on July 19 showcased its renewed strength. While the government says it is allowing the JI to participate in elections, some people are afraid that a potential alliance between the JI and a new student-led party, the National Citizen Party, could give these groups a lot of power in the government. Reports of a radical Bangladeshi cleric, Amir Hamza, who travelled to Singapore in August 2024 and illegally engaged with a group of Bangladeshi migrant workers there, further illustrate the potential for international networks to operate with disturbing ease. The cleric, who was on bail in Bangladesh while awaiting trial for terrorism-related activities, was given a nomination later in May 2025 by JI to contest in the upcoming general elections. A Growing Threat Besides, the international connections of high-profile Bangladeshi militants should be of concern to Dhaka. Shamin Mahfuz, former leader of the Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and a key figure in the Jama'atul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya, who was recently arrested, is known to have ties with the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and al-Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS). Another radical figure, Asif Adnan, who was previously arrested for terrorist activities but released largely due to his family's connections, is now again under surveillance after being named in a case for preparing for 'Jihad by TTP.' The alleged links between Bangladeshi militants and the TTP are particularly concerning and have drawn the attention of global security agencies. While government officials indicate that the government, if willing, can take firm legal action (including cancellation of passports) against citizens traveling for militant training, the bigger question remains whether the TTP has established a foothold within Bangladesh. The Debate Over the Nature of the Threat Allegations of militant links among Bangladeshi citizens in Malaysia and Pakistan have reignited the debate over extremism in Bangladesh. The interim government's denial of the existence of militancy in the country stands in stark contrast to the AL government's robust approach, which some Islamist leaders had dismissed as a 'drama.' These leaders argue that while past violence was real, the previous government exaggerated the threat to suppress political opposition. Conversely, some analysts contend that jihadi terrorism was indeed a significant issue, pointing to attacks like the one in 2016 at the Holey Artisan Bakery in Dhaka. They suggest that the current lack of overt attacks might not signal the end of extremism, but rather its shift from violent acts to a more subtle infiltration of mainstream politics, where extremist ideologies are promoted without the need for traditional terrorist operations. A Dangerous Path A year into its term, Bangladesh's interim government has created a precarious security environment by weakening its counterterrorism apparatus. By disempowering its security agencies and publicly downplaying the threat, the government has created a vacuum that militants are reportedly exploiting. This, along with a changing political landscape that favors Islamist groups and the continued presence of dangerous militants with international ties, is cause for serious concern. The government may believe its 'soft approach' will lead to peace, but it risks creating a much bigger and longer-lasting security crisis, not just for Bangladesh but for the entire region. For some optimists, there's a ray of hope: the Bangladeshi authorities are at least engaging with key radical leaders without giving it much publicity, and claim to have 'softened' their views. But the reality is that these figures still have a big influence on many people through their hateful lectures and online content, which affects social cohesion and has critical security ramifications. Bangladesh's interim government must comprehensively review the impact of its policies, address the gaps, and recalibrate them. On July 28, Yunus met with U.S. Chargé d'Affaires Tracey Ann Jacobson and declared his government's 'zero tolerance' for terrorism, vowing to eliminate all terrorists from Bangladeshi soil. Now it is time for Yunus to walk the talk.


The Diplomat
a day ago
- The Diplomat
Bangladesh's Post-Hasina Foreign Policy Reset
Following Sheikh Hasina's exit from power in August 2024, Bangladesh began reshaping its foreign policy, gradually moving away from its India-centric posture and pursuing a more diversified diplomatic approach. The interim government has sought to deepen engagement with China, Pakistan, and Western powers such as the United States and the European Union. India, long considered a supporter of Hasina's regime, now faces criticism from Bangladeshis who accuse it of meddling. A major milestone came during Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus' visit to China in March 2025. The trip underscored Beijing's emergence as a key economic partner. Bangladesh secured $2.1 billion in loans, investments, and grants, including $400 million for the modernization of Mongla Port and $350 million for the Chinese Industrial Economic Zone in Chattogram. Eight MoUs were signed, covering areas such as infrastructure, healthcare, manufacturing, and hydrological data sharing related to the Yarlung Tsangpo-Yamuna River. Notably, China's renewed interest in the Teesta River project – long stalled due to tensions with India – illustrates Dhaka's strategic pivot toward Beijing as a counterweight to Indian influence. Other outcomes included an extension of duty-free access for 99 percent of Bangladeshi exports until 2028, discussions to reduce interest rates on Chinese loans, and talks on setting up Chinese factories in textiles, pharmaceuticals, and renewable energy. Moreover, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency recently warned that China is considering establishing a military presence in several countries, including Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Myanmar. However, Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Yao Wen has dismissed the report, denying that China has any such intentions regarding Bangladesh. The potential launch of a direct Chittagong-Kunming flight and a boost in cultural exchanges further solidified this evolving partnership. China also reiterated support for Bangladesh on the Rohingya issue, aligning with Dhaka's push for international cooperation. China has also engaged with Bangladesh's political actors. In June and July 2025, both the BNP and JI sent delegations to China at the invitation of the Chinese Communist Party. The BNP team, led by Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, held high-level meetings with CCP Politburo member Li Hongzhong, who extended an invitation to the BNP's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman. Around the same time, a high level JI delegation focused on party-to-party governance exchanges and future development projects. These visits reflect Beijing's effort to build ties across Bangladesh's political spectrum as the BNP and JI gain momentum in the post-Hasina landscape. At the same time, Bangladesh has rekindled relations with Pakistan, which were strained under Hasina due to historical baggage from the 1971 Liberation War. Since August 2024, bilateral trade has grown, with new cooperation in construction, food, pharmaceuticals, and IT. The formation of a joint business council and Pakistan's offer of 300 fully funded scholarships signal growing warmth. Defense ties have also progressed, with January 2025 talks on joint exercises and potential procurement of JF-17 Thunder jets as part of Bangladesh's Forces Goal 2030 modernization plan. In a further sign of shifting regional dynamics, a trilateral meeting took place in Kunming in June, involving representatives from China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Although Dhaka declined to join any alliance, the timing suggests growing coordination. These developments point to Beijing's broader ambition to reshape the strategic landscape in South Asia through Pakistan and Bangladesh, leveraging its economic and political clout to challenge India's traditional dominance. This recent activity of China's strategic presence has not gone unnoticed in New Delhi. Yunus' earlier remarks in China, describing Bangladesh as a gateway to India's Northeast and an extension of China's economy, have only amplified Indian anxieties. In Bangladesh, the perception that India supported Hasina's regime has deepened public mistrust. Bangladesh's relations with India have thus sharply deteriorated. Tensions were exacerbated by Dhaka's demand for Hasina's extradition. The interim government wants her returned to Bangladesh to face charges related to corruption and human rights abuses during her tenure. India's reluctance to comply, citing legal and diplomatic complexities, has fueled accusations in Bangladesh that it is shielding a discredited leader. This standoff has deepened anti-India sentiment, with many Bangladeshis viewing New Delhi's stance as evidence of continued interference in their country's affairs. Efforts to stabilize bilateral ties have been hampered by mutual distrust and competing narratives. India has expressed unease over Bangladesh's warming relations with China and Pakistan, particularly the trilateral Kunming meeting, which New Delhi may perceive as a deliberate attempt to counterbalance its influence. In response, India has doubled down on its narrative of protecting minority rights in Bangladesh, particularly for Hindus, which Dhaka dismisses as a pretext for meddling. Critics in Bangladesh, however, view India's focus on minority rights as hypocritical, given its own internal record. The attack on Bangladesh's diplomatic compound in Agartala in December last year, where protesters from Indian far-right organizations burned the national flag of Bangladesh, served as a warning signal for the trajectory of relations. The attack triggered outrage in Dhaka. Bangladesh's Foreign Ministry condemned the Agartala attack as a breach of the Vienna Convention, signaling a more assertive diplomatic posture. The interim government's push for accountability regarding Hasina's regime, coupled with India's strategic imperative to maintain a foothold in Bangladesh, suggests that relations will remain turbulent unless a framework can address the extradition issue and broader geopolitical concerns. Bangladesh's foreign policy has clearly changed in the year since Hasina's exit. The country is moving away from its heavy reliance on India and building stronger ties with China, Pakistan, and Western nations. As Bangladesh becomes more confident on the global stage, relations with India have become tense. Unless both sides find a common ground this mistrust is likely to continue.


Japan Times
2 days ago
- Japan Times
Former prime minister's palace in Bangladesh to become revolution museum
Once a heavily guarded palace, the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina is being turned into a museum as a lasting reminder of her autocratic rule. Photographs of jubilant flag-waving crowds clambering onto the rooftop of the Dhaka palace after Hasina fled by helicopter to India were a defining image of the culmination of student-led protests that toppled her government on Aug. 5, 2024. One year later, with the South Asian nation of around 170 million people still in political turmoil, the authorities hope the sprawling Ganabhaban palace offers a message to the future. Graffiti daubed on the walls condemning her regime remains untouched. "Freedom," one message reads. "We want justice." Hasina's rule saw widespread human rights abuses, including the mass detention and extrajudicial killings of her political opponents. Up to 1,400 people were killed between July and August 2024 in her failed bid to cling to power, according to the United Nations. The 77-year-old has defied court orders to attend her ongoing trial on charges amounting to crimes against humanity in Dhaka, accusations she denies. "Dictator," another message reads, among scores being protected for posterity. "Killer Hasina." Muhammad Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner who is leading the caretaker government until elections are held in early 2026, said the conversion to a museum would "preserve memories of her misrule and the people's anger when they removed her from power." 'Symbol of fascism' Mosfiqur Rahman Johan, 27, a rights activist and documentary photographer, was one of the thousands who stormed the luxurious palace, when crowds danced in her bedroom, feasted on food from the kitchens, and swam in the lake Hasina used to fish in. "It will visualize and symbolize the past trauma, the past suffering — and also the resistance," he said. "Ganabhaban is a symbol of fascism, the symbol of an autocratic regime." The complex was built by Hasina's father, the first leader of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and Hasina made it her official residence during her 15 years in power. Mosfiqur Rahman Johan, a rights activist and documentary photographer, in front of the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, in Dhaka on July 28 | AFP-JIJI Tanzim Wahab, the curator of the under-construction museum, said that exhibits would include artifacts of the protesters killed. Their life stories will be told through films and photographs, while plaques will host the names of the people killed by the security forces during the longer period of Hasina's rule. "The museum's deeper purpose is retrospective, looking back at the long years of misrule and oppression," said Wahab. "That, I believe, is one of the most important aspects of this project." Wahab said the museum would include animation and interactive installations, as well as documenting the tiny cells where Hasina's opponents were detained in suffocating conditions. "We want young people ... to use it as a platform for discussing democratic ideas, new thinking, and how to build a new Bangladesh," Wahab said. 'Statues of dictatorship' That chimes with the promised bolstering of democratic institutions that interim leader Yunus wants to ensure before elections — efforts slowed as political parties jostle for power. The challenges he faces are immense, warned Human Rights Watch ahead of the one-year anniversary of the revolution. "The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights," HRW said. But while Hasina's palace is being preserved, protesters have torn down many other visible signs of her rule. Statues of Hasina's father were toppled, and portraits of the duo torn and torched. Protesters even used digger excavators to smash down the home of the late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman — that Hasina had turned into a museum to her father. "When the dictatorship falls, its Mecca will go, too," said Muhibullah Al Mashnun, who was among the crowds that tore down the house. The 23-year-old student believes that removing such symbols was necessary for Bangladesh to move forward to a better future. "They were the statues of dictatorship," Mashnun said.