logo
Whitmer proposed outdoor license hikes, but left Michiganders hunting for a dollar figure

Whitmer proposed outdoor license hikes, but left Michiganders hunting for a dollar figure

Yahoo06-03-2025
LANSING — Gov. Whitmer's proposed state budget for 2026 calls for nearly $30 million in increased hunting, fishing and watercraft registration fees.
But it's still not clear exactly how much more Whitmer wants you to pay for which specific license.
Michigan's hunting and fishing licenses and related Department of Natural Resources license fees have not gone up in a little over a decade.
Whitmer's budget proposes raising an extra $28.9 million by increasing those fees, as well as watercraft fees. But getting the details on those proposed increases has proven difficult.
According to a budget analysis by the House Fiscal Agency, state hunting and fishing licenses would generally go up 30% to 50% under Whitmer's proposal, while watercraft registrations would increase 60%. But on Wednesday, House Fiscal Agency analyst Austin Scott told lawmakers that some of the proposed increases are "more of a doubling," without providing details. Scott later said his estimates are mostly based on a House Democratic bill introduced last year and that this year's proposals are expected to be similar.
In past years, the State Budget Office has provided the Free Press with a schedule of all proposed fee changes baked into the budget proposal. This year, the budget office has not produced that schedule, despite repeated requests since Feb. 6.
Ed Golder, a spokesman for the Department of Natural Resources, said Wednesday there is no proposed fee schedule. "That will be spelled out when the legislation is introduced," Golder said.
The state currently collects a little more than $60 million a year from hunting and fishing licenses.
The proposed increases in the 2026 budget would be used to increase staffing, expand access to outdoor recreation, improve maintenance of state parks, and "ensure the long-term durability and ecological stability of Michigan's state parks and statewide facilities," according to Whitmer's budget proposal.
The lack of details on the fee hikes hasn't prevented legislative Republicans from attacking the proposal as incompatible with Whitmer's pledged efforts to help Michiganders hurt by inflation.
State Rep. Ken Borton, R-Gaylord, chair of the House appropriations subcommittee that handles the DNR budget, pledged in February that the proposed fee increases would not get his approval.
"If DNR leadership continues this ridiculous crusade to hike fees across the board — an action that does nothing but punish those who love the outdoors — we are going to zero out their budget," Borton said.
"This is not a threat. This will be their reality if the DNR does not commit to working with us to protect access to the outdoors."
In December, nearly two months before Whitmer's February budget presentation, Democrats introduced a bill to increase hunting and fishing license fees that was expected to raise an additional $22 million. The bill, House Bill 6229, also would have provided for annual fee increases tied to the inflation rate. It did not pass either chamber and did not include watercraft fee increases.
State Rep. Amos O'Neal, D-Saginaw, who sponsored last year's bill, said Wednesday that after more than 10 years it seems reasonable that license fees need to rise. The question, he said, is how much.
The proposed increases in last year's bill may not match what Whitmer is proposing this year.
The bill introduced last year would have increased the base fee for small game hunting from $10 to $15 for resident adults, from $5 to $8 for resident minors, and from $150 to $163 for nonresidents. A combination hunting and fishing license for residents would increase from $75 to $113 for residents and from $265 to $273 for nonresidents.
For adult residents, the fee for a wild turkey hunting license would have increased from $15 to $23; the fee for a waterfowl hunting license from $12 to $18; the fee for a pheasant hunting license from $25 to $38; the fee for a deer hunting license from $20 to $30; the fee for a bear hunting license from $25 to $38; and the fee for an elk hunting license from $100 to $150.
For an all-species fishing license, the bill would have increased the fee from $25 to $38 for residents and from $75 to $88 for nonresidents. It also would have changed the age threshold at which a license is needed from 16 to 17.
The bill would have also reduced the discount for many senior hunting licenses from 60% less than the regular rate to 25% less.
Contact Paul Egan: 517-372-8660 or pegan@freepress.com.
This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Whitmer wants to raise nearly $30M more from hunting, fishing, boating
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Senate Democrats vote against arms sales to Israel in record number
Senate Democrats vote against arms sales to Israel in record number

UPI

time5 minutes ago

  • UPI

Senate Democrats vote against arms sales to Israel in record number

Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., speaks during a press conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. in March. File Photo by Bonnie Cash/UPI | License Photo July 31 (UPI) -- The U.S. Senate has approved weapons sales to Israel, despite the fact that a majority of Senate Democrats voted against the measure. Twenty-seven of the 47 Democrats voted Wednesday in favor of two resolutions to block U.S. military sales to Israel, a change from the historically typical bipartisan support such resolutions are expected to receive. The resolutions were sponsored by Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., who said in a press release Wednesday that "the members of the Senate Democratic caucus voted to stop sending arms shipments to a Netanyahu government which has waged a horrific, immoral, and illegal war against the Palestinian people." "The tide is turning," he added. "The American people do not want to spend billions to starve children in Gaza." Sanders' resolutions may have failed, but the 27 senators in support is the most he has received in the three times he sponsored them. His first attempt in November of last year received 18 Democratic votes, and a second attempt in April scored 15. However, 70 senators voted against Sanders' first resolution that sought to block over $675 million in weapons sales to Israel. His second resolution, which would have prohibited the sale of thousands of assault rifles, lost more support as it was defeated by a 73-24 margin. Vice Chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., voted in support of Sanders' resolutions for the first time. "Tonight I voted YES to block the sale of certain weapons to Israel to send a message to Netanyahu's government," she posted to X Wednesday. "This legislative tool is not perfect, but frankly it is time to say ENOUGH to the suffering of innocent young children and families." "Tonight, I voted in favor of blocking the Trump Administration from sending more weapons to Israel," said Sen. Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., in an X post Wednesday, after voting yes for the first time. "My votes tonight reflect my deep frustration with the Netanyahu government's abject failure to address humanitarian needs in Gaza and send a message to the Trump administration that it must change course if it wants to help end this devastating war," she concluded. "The Democrats are moving forward on this issue, and I look forward to Republican support in the near future," Sanders further noted in his release.

New Iowa network aims for a progressive, Democratic revival
New Iowa network aims for a progressive, Democratic revival

Axios

time7 minutes ago

  • Axios

New Iowa network aims for a progressive, Democratic revival

A new political network has emerged in Iowa to support progressive grassroots groups statewide, especially in rural areas where progressives have struggled to stay influential. Why it matters: The launch of the Grassroots Iowa Network (GIN) reflects a growing urgency to restore the Democratic brand in the state after years of electoral losses and brand erosion. Catch up quick: GIN was launched in May by volunteers and political veterans, including Democrats and former state Sens. Jack Hatch and Ralph Rosenberg, child policy advocate Charlie Bruner, and Iowa Democratic Party Women's Caucus chairperson Mary Weaver. They aim to strengthen issue-based organizing — separate from the Democratic Party — and rebuild trust in progressive values. At least 60 groups from across the state are already part of the network, including Bitches Get Stuff Done in Bondurant and the Sierra Club. The intrigue: Although most of GIN's founders have deep Democratic roots, the group intentionally distances itself from official Democratic institutions and welcomes conservative-leaning organizations to participate in their discussions, Hatch tells Axios. "We're not trying to create a brand for the Democrats. We're listening to all of these grassroots groups that are saying we need to focus on our local needs," Hatch said. State of play: Iowa's red wave has gained traction for years, with Republicans holding a trifecta — control of the governor's office and majorities in both the House and Senate — since January 2017. Republicans took control of all the state's congressional seats after the 2022 elections. Between the 2016 and 2024 presidential elections, 93 of Iowa's 99 counties shifted more Republican. Zoom in: State Auditor Rob Sand, a 2026 candidate for governor, is the sole remaining statewide elected Democrat. The state party is now working to reclaim its traditional role as the first to hold contests in the presidential primary season after losing its 50-year caucus reign in the last cycle. What they're saying: The party is like a big ocean liner, and it takes a lot to turn it around, Hatch said. GIN organizers are not blaming Democratic Party leaders, but they also didn't want to wait for the party to reinvent itself, he said. The other side: Democrats are so weak that they're relying on outside groups to prop up their party, Jade Cichy, a spokesperson for the Iowa GOP, tells Axios. "No matter how many new organizations they launch, they're still out of touch with the issues Iowans care about," Cichy said. What's next: GIN recently held an event in Monticello and plans more in-person and virtual events, with special attention to small towns, Rosenberg tells Axios.

Republicans Look Set To Get Wiped Out in 2025 and 2026
Republicans Look Set To Get Wiped Out in 2025 and 2026

Newsweek

time8 minutes ago

  • Newsweek

Republicans Look Set To Get Wiped Out in 2025 and 2026

Someday, someone will crack the most difficult code in American politics—how to win midterm elections two years after securing a governing trifecta. But based on the polling that we have right now, President Donald Trump and his Republican allies in Congress are not going to be the ones to do it. President Trump burned mindlessly through his limited political capital within weeks of taking office in January, and the Republican-controlled Congress has essentially ceded its constitutional authority—and its political fate—to the White House. Unless something dramatic changes in the coming months, that may have fateful consequences for Republicans up and down the ballot starting with November's bellwether off-year gubernatorial elections in Virginia and New Jersey. The numbers are already stark. The GOP has trailed averages of the generic congressional ballot—which asks voters whether they would vote for a Democrat or a Republican for the House—since March. By way of comparison, after Joe Biden took office in 2021, Republicans didn't take the lead in Real Clear Politics averages until November of that year. The race for the House of Representatives is starting to look much more like the 2018 cycle, when Republicans trailed from pretty much the day pollsters started asking thanks to the enduring unpopularity of President Trump's policy agenda, and more importantly, his gratuitously provocative and confrontational political style. President Donald Trump listens as he meets British Prime Minister Keir Starmer for bilateral talks at Trump Turnberry golf club on July 28, 2025, in Turnberry, Scotland. President Donald Trump listens as he meets British Prime Minister Keir Starmer for bilateral talks at Trump Turnberry golf club on July 28, 2025, in Turnberry, betting site Polymarket gives Democrats a 70 percent chance of retaking the House in 2026, and this grim outlook certainly isn't lost on the GOP, which is scrambling to pull off a mid-decade redistricting in Texas to squeeze a few extra seats out of an already-aggressive gerrymander that gave them 25 out of 38 seats in both 2022 and 2024. As Princeton's Sam Wang noted, this may ultimately backfire on them even if they get it done, by creating a larger number of seats with significant but not unbreachable Republican advantages that could be overcome in a true wave election. There's actually a nearer-term threat on the horizon. Republican gubernatorial candidates in Virginia and New Jersey are also trailing badly in races that will be decided in just a few months. In 2017, Democrats scored blowouts in both races that previewed the 2018 blue wave. And in 2021, Republican Glenn Youngkin's shock win over Democrat Terry McAuliffe in Virginia, and Democrat Phil Murphy's surprisingly narrow 3-point reelection over Republican Jack Ciattarelli were clear warning signs that Democrats had already lost the public's trust less than a year into the Biden administration. That recent history has to worry Republicans. Former Democratic Representative Abigail Spanberger led the last two public polls of the race against Republican Winsome Earle-Sears by 17 and 12 points. And in the only polls taken of the race between Democrat Mikie Sherrill and Ciattarelli in New Jersey, Sherrill led by 21 and 8 points. Are Democrats likely to win by those margins? Probably not, but these are already Democratic-leaning states that could tilt toward a big, blue blowout if the political environment for Trump and the Republicans doesn't improve quickly. The bad news for Republicans doesn't end with the House. While Democrats are a distinct underdog in the race to control the Senate, they scored a major victory this week when Roy Cooper, the popular former Democratic governor of North Carolina, announced he would seek the seat being vacated by the retiring Senator Thom Tillis. Democrats are already favored in Maine, where 72 year-old Senator Susan Collins' remarkable run of defying partisan polarization seems unlikely to continue even if she chooses not to retire. But even assuming Democrats win all the battleground state seats they have to defend, including Michigan and Georgia, flipping North Carolina and Maine would still leave them two seats short of a majority. But Republican primary voters might own-goal themselves yet again. Democrats are eagerly watching the mess unfolding in Texas, where scandal-ridden extremist Ken Paxton is ahead in limited polling against incumbent Republican Senator John Cornyn. While he would probably still be the favorite, a Paxton win in the primary would without question put Texas in play. Even with a Texas miracle, though, Democrats will still need to win a race in at least one state that Donald Trump carried by double digits in 2024, whether that's Iowa, Alaska, Florida, or Nebraska. It's an extremely heavy lift, but Republicans certainly can't feel as secure about their lock on the Senate as they did after November's elections unexpectedly left them with a seemingly insurmountable 53 seats. Is there anything Republicans could do to avoid the fate that almost every president's party has met in the midterm elections? For starters, President Trump would need to stop doing unpopular things—like building a lavishly funded internal detention gulag, securing trade "deals" that make daily life more expensive for ordinary Americans, and wasting his time whining about what D.C.'s football team is named, or what's happening in the writer's room of adult cartoon TV shows—and start governing in a way that isn't designed to deliberately alienate more than half the country. I'm no gambling whiz, but I certainly wouldn't bet on that. David Faris is a professor of political science at Roosevelt University and the author of It's Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics. His writing has appeared in Slate, The Week, The Washington Post, The New Republic, Washington Monthly, and more. You can find him on Twitter @davidmfaris and Bluesky @ The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store