
RSF advance on Libyan border marks new phase in spread of Sudan's war
The development signals a new phase in the regionalisation of Sudan's ongoing conflict. It has heightened tensions not only with Egypt (one of SAF's key allies) but also with Libyan forces loyal to General Khalifa Haftar, who has been accused of supporting the RSF's advance.
Although the RSF has lost vast territories in the centre of the country following SAF's recapture of Khartoum, al-Jazira and Sennar states, this recent gain is considered crucial. Sources indicate the RSF is now preparing to announce a parallel government in western Sudan.
The contested triangle area is also believed to be the site of unreported clashes between SAF and RSF over control of gold mines, critical supply routes and smuggling corridors that serve both logistics and trade.
Eyewitnesses and miners who fled the area following the RSF's advance, allegedly supported by Libyan forces, say they were looted and attacked by RSF fighters, prompting them to abandon their belongings and escape to save their lives.
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One miner, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told Middle East Eye that he and several fellow miners walked over 30km to reach Egypt's border crossing points. There, he said, the Egyptian army transported them to the Sudanese side of the Argeen border crossing.
'After the RSF's attacks, the looting, and the widespread violations in the triangle area, we realised we had to leave immediately,' he said. 'But we also heard that Sudanese people were being mistreated by Libyan militias in al-Kufra.'
The miner said that making the journey to Egypt on foot was the only choice they had.
'At its core, this is a fight over wealth and power, and the gold-rich triangle border region is a perfect example of that'
- Sudan researcher
'Going back towards Sudan meant falling straight into RSF hands. We had no option but to walk towards Egypt, even though we knew the border was officially closed.'
He added that the Egyptian authorities allowed them to pass and escorted them safely back into Sudanese territory.
Another miner said the RSF had raided al-Katma market, one of the four main markets in the region, where he worked in gold extraction. He reported that RSF fighters looted all possessions, including money, cars, gold, mobile phones and other valuables.
'We walked for two days without rest until we reached the Egyptian border,' he told MEE.
'The Egyptian army then transported us to the Sudanese border, where we crossed back into Sudan. However, we lost everything. Now we rely entirely on the assistance provided by Sudanese authorities and local initiatives in Halfa and Dongola.'
The RSF has rejected the looting and abuse accusations, posting videos on its Telegram channel purporting to show miners and civilians in the triangle area welcoming RSF troops.
In one video, an RSF commander is seen addressing a large crowd in a marketplace, promising to protect the population and ensure the security of local businesses. Another video shows an RSF commander speaking to groups of migrants, pledging to help them continue their desert journeys.
However, Wasfy Osman Gadeed, secretary general of the Halfa Popular Council, told MEE that thousands of people have fled the fighting in the triangle area and have been received in Halfa after entering Sudan via the Argeen crossing.
'We have received large numbers of those fleeing the conflict,' Gadeed said. 'Thanks to local community initiatives, we've managed to provide them with assistance, and we are working to transport many of them to Dongola.'
Meanwhile, the International Organization for Migration said that more than 4,000 people, many of them minors and including non-Sudanese nationals, have fled the RSF attack.
Fears of RSF control
RSF fighters being sighted in parts of Sudan's Northern State have fuelled widespread fears, with the militia repeatedly threatening to seize control of the area.
Following its capture of the triangle border region, the RSF has advanced towards Karab Altoum, an oasis near the Owainat mountains. The paramilitary group now controls most of North Darfur, where it has laid siege to the state capital, el-Fasher, for more than a year.
In another escalation, the RSF has also attempted to attack villages around Aldaba city on the western bank of the River Nile in Northern State. Strategic locations such as Wadi Alatroon (Alatroon Valley) and al-Malha in North Darfur have seen a back-and-forth struggle between former Darfur rebels and RSF forces.
The prospect of RSF attacks has terrified local populations. Some civilians have fled their villages, seeking refuge in safer areas, while others have armed themselves, vowing to defend their land.
'We've partnered with the popular resistance committees to train young people, stockpile weapons and store them under military supervision'
- A member of the Halfa Youth Committee
In response, the local authorities in Northern State have called for widespread mobilisation of the SAF to defend the region. The SAF, along with its allied militias, including joint forces of former Darfur rebels, has deployed reinforcements to key locations such as Aldaba, Alkhanag, Dongola and other cities.
One resident from Dongola city told MEE that many people from villages on the western bank of the Nile, including Alkhanag and Gobat Salim, have fled across to the eastern bank.
'Joint forces, including former Darfur rebels, have been deployed in Alkhanag, particularly inside the gold market. This has sent worrying signals to miners and civilians that an RSF attack may be imminent, which prompted many to flee,' he said.
Khalaf Allah Mohamed Abdo, a resident of Halfa city, told MEE by phone that markets in Alkhanag, Abdry, Dal and other nearby areas had initially closed when rumours spread that the RSF was planning an assault.
'Things are gradually returning to normal now,' he said. 'But most people are prepared to take up arms to defend the state. Military training has already begun, and thousands of volunteers have stepped forward.'
A member of the Halfa Youth Committee told MEE that local communities have set aside their internal disputes and united against the common threat posed by the RSF.
'We are preparing for all possible scenarios,' he said. 'We've partnered with the popular resistance committees to train young people, stockpile weapons, and store them under military supervision.' The source requested anonymity as he was not authorised to speak to the media.
'Military manoeuvre'
A military expert, who also asked not to be named for security reasons, told MEE that RSF fighters are advancing along multiple fronts across the desert regions of North Darfur and Northern State.
He argued that the RSF's primary objective is to secure control over vast desert areas and border crossings with neighbouring countries to re-establish critical supply lines after suffering significant territorial losses elsewhere.
'I think the RSF's threats to attack Northern State may be part of a larger military manoeuvre,' he said.
'By signalling an imminent assault, the RSF is forcing SAF and its allies into a defensive posture, allowing the paramilitary group to focus on securing the strategic desert and border routes.'
The contested triangle border region, stretching over approximately 1,500km, includes the Owainat mountains, an essential crossing point between Sudan and Libya. The route has long served as a key corridor for Sudanese people travelling to Libya, particularly after the war began. Even prior to the conflict, it was frequently used by irregular migrants and human traffickers.
While Libya's border remains open, Egypt has closed its borders and is closely monitoring the situation. However, Egyptian authorities permitted most of the miners who fled following the RSF attack to pass through Egypt and return to Sudan.
The RSF's control of the triangle border has granted the group additional strategic leverage. With plans to announce a parallel government in Darfur, the RSF now controls border access to five countries: South Sudan, the Central African Republic (CAR), Chad, Libya and Egypt.
'The Sudan-Libya border has long been a major entry point for weapons and mercenaries supporting the RSF, financed by the UAE and coordinated through Haftar's forces'
- Sudanese Military Capabilities Platform report
This geographic advantage offers the RSF potential flexibility in future cross-border trade, arms supply and logistics networks.
Despite these territorial gains, the military expert told MEE that the RSF's current movements may carry limited military weight and instead serve as political compensation for the group's substantial battlefield losses elsewhere in the country.
Meanwhile, tensions have escalated along the Sudan-Libya border following mutual accusations between the SAF and the Libyan National Army (LNA), led by General Khalifa Haftar.
The SAF, which has since announced its withdrawal from the area, accused Haftar's Salafist-aligned militia - specifically the Subul al-Salam Brigade (also known as the Salafi Brigade) - of participating in the RSF attack.
Sudanese officials also accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of backing the assault, while Haftar's forces claimed that Sudan was trying to externalise its internal crisis by dragging Libya into the conflict.
The Sudanese Military Capabilities Platform, a think tank aligned with the SAF, identified the leader of the brigade responsible for the attacks as Abdul Rahman Hashim al-Kilani, who reportedly controls much of southern Libya from his base in al-Kufra.
According to the think tank, Kilani has consistently provided weapons and logistical support to the RSF since the outbreak of the war.
'The Sudan-Libya border has long been a major entry point for weapons and mercenaries supporting the RSF militia, financed by the UAE and coordinated through Haftar's forces and affiliated armed groups,' the think tank said in a recent report.
'These forces, following the RSF's repeated battlefield defeats, have now resorted to direct military intervention to support the militia's remaining operations.'
The think tank also published photos and videos purportedly showing Libyan and RSF fighters together in the triangle border area.
Competing interests over gold
Moumen Abdul Rahman, a mining engineer based in Northern State, believes the RSF has an additional motive for advancing into the region: to retake control of gold mines it previously held before the war erupted.
According to Abdul Rahman, the RSF previously owned at least three gold mines in the Akasha area on the eastern bank of the Nile, near Wadi Halfa. The militia reportedly held shares in these mines through a joint venture with the Turkish-Qatari company DELGO, as well as in sites located on the western bank of the Nile near Dongola.
He noted that the RSF withdrew from these areas just days before the outbreak of the war in Khartoum, particularly after seizing the Merowe military airport three days before the fighting began.
The smugglers and miners running gold on the Egypt-Sudan border Read More »
MEE contacted Sudan's ministry of mineral resources to verify these claims but received no response.
A researcher familiar with the matter told MEE that the RSF previously owned full or partial stakes in several mines in Northern State through its commercial arm, Al Junaid Company.
These assets were later confiscated by Sudanese authorities before the company was added to the United States' sanctions list for allegedly fuelling the war.
The researcher, who requested anonymity for security reasons, explained that both warring sides have aggressively targeted each other's financial networks as part of a broader strategy to cut off funding sources.
'The confiscation of RSF-linked companies, gold mines, assets, bank accounts and other commercial interests is a significant dimension of this conflict,' the researcher said.
Further insights from the Sudanese think tank Demands-Based Groups TAM, shared with MEE, suggest that the RSF had previously seized a number of mining areas in Northern State that were formerly controlled by associates of the ousted Bashir regime, including family members, security officials and corrupt business networks.
In its study titled 'DELGO Company: The Real Face of the Sudanese War', the think tank found that the RSF inherited control over gold mines in al-Qaoub, Halfa, Delgo and other regions after the 2019 revolution. Public pressure had been growing at the time for these mines to be shut down amid widespread concerns over resource exploitation and environmental degradation.
However, the SAF regained control of these mining areas following the outbreak of the war in 2023, after the RSF fighters previously stationed to guard the sites fled.
Gold mining triangle
The gold-rich triangle border area has long been a crucial supply hub for the RSF, as well as for the joint Darfur forces, former rebel groups now allied with the SAF in the ongoing war. These joint forces have been actively fighting the RSF in Darfur, particularly around el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur State.
'You made a mistake trying to leave': Crossing enemy lines in the heart of Sudan Read More »
The region encompasses four major mining zones, including Algilayaa and Alkatma, where thousands of miners from various countries are engaged in gold extraction.
Beyond its economic importance, the RSF has maintained a longstanding military presence in the triangle border area.
Its Chevrelet military base has been used since 2014 to combat human trafficking, irregular migration and cross-border crime as part of the Khartoum Process, an EU-backed initiative to manage migration flows through Sudan.
The same researcher who spoke to MEE on condition of anonymity and has visited the area multiple times said the two warring factions (the SAF and RSF) have been in a protracted conflict of interest over control of the region's lucrative gold mines, even before the war officially began.
The RSF's commercial arm, Al Junaid Company, was granted a mining concession in the area in 2018 and 2019. However, Ariab Mining Company, which is aligned with the SAF, was also awarded a concession for the same territory, reflecting competition between Sudan's military and paramilitary forces that predates the current conflict.
'Looking at these underlying disputes and competing interests helps us understand some of the deeper reasons behind this war,' the researcher said.
'At its core, this is a fight over wealth and power, and the gold-rich triangle border region is a perfect example of that.'

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