logo
Electoral roll revision:  EC eases rules for Bihar voters; 'required documents can be submitted later'

Electoral roll revision: EC eases rules for Bihar voters; 'required documents can be submitted later'

Time of Indiaa day ago
NEW DELHI: Days after the opposition dubbed EC's special intensive revision of electoral rolls as "votebandi," the poll body on Sunday eased the rules of the ongoing exercise for Bihar voters.
In an advertisement carried in Hindi newspapers, Bihar chief electoral officer has now asked voters to submit forms without the required documents, which can be submitted later.
"As soon as you receive the enumeration form from the BLO, fill it immediately and submit it to the BLO along with the required documents and photograph," the advertisement said.
"If you do not have the necessary documents, then submit only the filled enumeration form to the BLO," it added.
"If you provide the required documents, it will help the Electoral Registration Officer to process your application more easily. If you are unable to submit the required documents, the Electoral Registration Officer may take a decision based on a local inquiry or verification of other supporting documents," the advertisement further read.
This comes after the opposition objected to the ongoing intensive revision of the electoral rolls in Bihar just months ahead of the upcoming assembly elections.
A delegation of 11 parties met the EC and claimed that this will put democracy in Bihar "under threat".
Calling the exercise 'votebandi,' CPM's Dipankar Bhattacharya claimed that the Commission admitted that 20% of Bihar's voters reside outside the state, which effectively means they could lose their right to vote.
"This is nothing less than 'votebandi' for Bihar," he said, comparing the exercise to the demonetisation, or 'notebandi', carried out in 2016.
"There seems to be a failure on our part to convince the Election Commission that one month is not enough for lakhs of voters to submit identification documents. Democracy in Bihar is under threat. A major people's movement is now necessary," he added.
On Saturday, former Bihar chief minister Rabri Devi asked the people to "refuse" to show any documents to the officials.
According to the poll body, it is part of its crackdown on illegal immigrants from countries like Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar.
The poll panel reminded the constitutional provision that says only Indian citizens can vote. "The Constitution of India is supreme. All citizens, political parties, and the
Election Commission of India
follow the Constitution," EC said in a statement.
The poll panel already has nearly 78,000 booth-level officers (BLOs) and is appointing over 20,000 more for new polling stations, it said.
More than one lakh volunteers will be assisting genuine electors, particularly the old, sick, persons with disabilities, poor, and other vulnerable groups during the special intensive revision.
Out of the existing 7,89,69,844 electors, 4.96 crore electors, whose names are already in the last intensive revision of the Electoral Roll on January 1, 2003, have to "simply verify so, fill the Enumeration Form and submit it."
The enumeration form should be filled between 25 June and 26 July, after which the draft voter list will be published on 1 August 2025; the period for filing claims and objections will be from 1 August to 1 September, and the final voter list will be published on 30 September.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

India faces a Russia dilemma
India faces a Russia dilemma

Indian Express

time33 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

India faces a Russia dilemma

India may again find itself in an uncomfortable diplomatic fix. US Senator Lindsey Graham is slated to introduce a bill that seeks to impose a 500 per cent tariff rate on American imports from countries that continue to buy products from Russia. He claims to have the support of 84 co-sponsors and the backing of the US President Donald Trump. If passed, India's diplomacy will be put to a stress test once again. It is likely to also trigger a debate around the strategic utility of India's relationship with Russia. Even if the bill fails to sail through, Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to India in the coming months will probably set off similar discussions. Practitioners and strategic analysts are divided on the issue. Russophiles have argued that the India-Russia relationship is rooted in history and has stood the test of time. The genesis of this thought lies in India's experiences with the Soviet Union during the Cold War years, with the India-Pakistan war of 1971 being the watershed moment in the friendship. That event created substantial affinity towards the Soviet Union (later Russia) among the Indian public and political elite, while concurrently generating deep antipathy and cynicism towards the US-led West. The Soviet Union also supported India through the sale of arms at a time when the West (primarily the US and the UK) would openly arm Pakistan with sophisticated and advanced weapons while turning down India's requests. Further, they argue the Soviet Union was India's sole trusted partner with a veto in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), particularly when the West raked up issues pertaining to Jammu & Kashmir. As per this school of thought, the experience of history demonstrates Russia's reliability and creates an obligation for India to support it. Russia, for them, stood with India when the latter found itself isolated by the West for most of the Cold War period. This school also contends that India and Russia are natural partners as their core interests do not conflict. Thus, they argue that the Moscow-Delhi relationship transcends any upheavals in the global order and is critical to maintaining India's strategic autonomy. Finally, any effort towards distancing from Russia would further push it into China's orbit of influence. Per them, an isolated Russia that is more dependent on China presents a significant challenge for India. Lately, a second strand of thought (Russoskeptics) has argued for strategic pragmatism when it comes to India's relations with Russia. It calls for a more pragmatic approach to modern-day Russia, notwithstanding the traditional and historical relationship with the Soviet Union. They endeavour to absolve India of any moral obligation by alluding to the latter's historically ambiguous and even contrary position on matters related to Indian interests vis-à-vis China. Moreover, they highlight, and rightly so, that in the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow is an aggressor that has violated Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty in a blatant disregard for international law. And thus, Russia does not deserve India's moral support in its unjust war. In addition, they point to the deepening strategic partnership between Russia and China as threatening India's security interests. This school also views Russia as a declining power that can do very little to augment India's comprehensive national power. On the contrary, Russia's expansionist tendencies have an adverse impact on India's relationship with the US at a time when its interests align far more closely with the West, owing to the changing geopolitical realities. This has significantly altered the cost-benefit matrix for India when it comes to its relationship with Russia. Morals and ethics aside, there are legitimate strategic reasons, grounded in realism, to argue for either side. The Russoskeptics point out that India's diplomatic capital is not infinite. And thus, it would not be prudent to spend it all to salvage the relationship with Russia, mainly for two reasons. Firstly, Russia continues to be the primary adversary of the US. And there is a possibility that proximity to Moscow may impede cooperation between New Delhi and Washington. Secondly, Russia may no longer be trusted as India's biggest defence and energy partner, given its massive dependence on China, economically, militarily and diplomatically. Notwithstanding the pragmatism and realism displayed by the Russoskeptics, they must answer two critical questions: Will making an enemy out of Russia and pushing it into a possible China-Pak-Russia nexus serve India's security interests in Asia? And would New Delhi be comfortable with the idea of Moscow selling its premium weapons to Pakistan? Moscow is already flirting with Rawalpindi and testing the waters to see if Pakistan could be its new prominent military partner. Further, while the Sino-Russian relationship stands firm, we are yet to see it adversely impact India-Russia ties in any significant way. This perhaps suggests that either the Russia-China relationship is not deep enough, or India-China relations have not strained to a point yet for Beijing to resort to coercion through Moscow. Thus, India cannot afford to downgrade its relations with Russia yet, and it must persist with its balancing act. This would require four actions on India's part. First, conveying to their American counterparts that China should continue to remain the preeminent source of their strategic convergence. Second, while diversifying arms imports from Russia makes strategic sense, it would be imprudent to seek diversification beyond a certain limit, which makes Moscow a little insecure. India needs to find that acceptable ratio. Third, India would need to engage China to ensure that the bilateral relations do not stoop to a point that Beijing feels the need to capitalise on Russia's dependence. Lastly, India must urge Russia not to close the door on themselves. If it wants to avoid slipping into China's sphere of influence and wants India to be on its side as a friendly centre of power, it has to allow India some space to work with. A good start for Moscow would be revisiting its Eurasia policy. The writer is a research analyst with Takshashila's Indo-Pacific Studies programme

India, Brazil to sign 4 MoUs on clean energy, counterterrorism: Ambassador
India, Brazil to sign 4 MoUs on clean energy, counterterrorism: Ambassador

Business Standard

time36 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

India, Brazil to sign 4 MoUs on clean energy, counterterrorism: Ambassador

Indian Ambassador to Brazil Dinesh Bhatia on Sunday (local time) said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his bilateral visit to Brazil on July 8, India will sign four MoUs with Brazil. Bhatia while speaking at the Ministry of External Affairs special media briefing said that this will be a first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in the last 57 years. "During the state visit, he'll be accorded the state protocol, state ceremonial welcome. Followed by a bilateral talk where both delegations led by the respective leaders will meet. And after the talks we are hoping to sign 4 agreements or MOUs between the two countries, namely on renewable energy. counterterrorism. Agricultural research cooperation between ICR, which is Indian Council for Agricultural Research and MMR of Brazil and also exchange and mutual production of confidential information. These agreements have been finalised and we are hoping to sign this on 8 July," he said. He said that PM Modi is visiting Brazil at the invitation of Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. "About the bilateral visit of Prime Minister Modi to Brasilia at the invitation of President Lula on 8 July. As a matter of fact, tomorrow, 7th of July, Prime Minister arrives in Brasilia and he'll be treated as a state guest. it's after 57 years that the Prime Minister of India is paying a state visit to Brazil," he said. Earlier in the day, PM Modi addressed the Brics Summit Plenary session on 'Strengthening Multilateralism, Economic-Financial Affairs, and Artificial Intelligence.' In a post on X, he said, "Addressed the Brics Summit Plenary session on 'Strengthening Multilateralism, Economic-Financial Affairs, and Artificial Intelligence.' Focused on how to make the Brics platform even more effective in this increasingly multipolar world." Meanwhile, leaders of the Brics nations welcomed India's candidacy to host the 33rd Conference of the Parties (COP 33) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in the year 2028.

Preamble of Constitution like parenthood, cannot be changed: V-P Dhankhar
Preamble of Constitution like parenthood, cannot be changed: V-P Dhankhar

Business Standard

time37 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Preamble of Constitution like parenthood, cannot be changed: V-P Dhankhar

Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar on Monday said the Preamble of the Indian Constitution is like parenthood to children, and it cannot be changed, no matter how hard one may try. "There have been a lot of issues about the preamble to the Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is something like parenthood to children. Howsoever you may try, you can't change your parenthood. That is not possible," he said. While interacting with students and faculty at the National University of Advanced Legal Studies (NUALS), Kochi, he also said that, historically, no country's preamble has ever been changed, but lamented that the Preamble of the Indian Constitution was altered during the Emergency era. "The Preamble of our Constitution was changed during a time when hundreds and thousands of people were behind bars, the darkest period of our democracy--emergency era," he said. His statement comes against the backdrop of the RSS calling for a review of the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Preamble of the Constitution, stating that these were included during the Emergency and were never part of the Constitution drafted by B R Ambedkar. Addressing an event on 50 years of Emergency in New Delhi on June 26, RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabole said, "Babasaheb Ambedkar never used these words in the preamble of the Constitution. The words were added during Emergency, when fundamental rights were suspended, Parliament did not function, and the judiciary became lame.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store