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Senate revenue forecasts higher than House's, but well below Ayotte estimate

Senate revenue forecasts higher than House's, but well below Ayotte estimate

Yahoo07-05-2025

Yahoo is using AI to generate takeaways from this article. This means the info may not always match what's in the article. Reporting mistakes helps us improve the experience.
Yahoo is using AI to generate takeaways from this article. This means the info may not always match what's in the article. Reporting mistakes helps us improve the experience.
Yahoo is using AI to generate takeaways from this article. This means the info may not always match what's in the article. Reporting mistakes helps us improve the experience. Generate Key Takeaways
The Senate panel in charge of tax and fee legislation forecasts rosier revenue growth for the next two years but more than $260 million less than what Gov. Kelly Ayotte had estimated in presenting her spending plan last February.
Ayotte told reporters she stands behind the estimates of her experts and said she couldn't understand why Republicans on the Senate Ways and Means Committee were 'working with Democrats' in a manner that could force a state tax increase to support needed services.
'I disagree with that vote and I also will tell you this, I don't know why Republicans are working with Democrats, putting us in a position to raise taxes,' Ayotte said.
Democratic members of the Senate Ways and Means Committee were less optimistic about future revenue growth and Ayotte said the reason is political.
'It is pretty ironic the Democrats are trying to masquerade as fiscal conservatives on revenues,' Ayotte said.
'They want to raise taxes and to have Republicans join Democrats on the revenue numbers doesn't make any sense to me.'
Ayotte said she remains just as certain her revenue numbers will prove more accurate as she did in first putting them together three months ago.
'At the end of the day, the budget that passes, the lady who has to manage all this is me,' Ayotte added.
The Senate Ways and Means Committee estimates were $228.1 million more than what the House's counterpart panel had come up with to help produce a House-approved budget in March.
But Ayotte's numbers were higher nearly across the board, $42 million more in the current year that ends June 30, $37.5 million next year and $183 million more in the last year of the next budget cycle that concludes June 30, 2027.
Chairman Tim Lang, R-Sanbornton, came to the committee after huddling with Ayotte's staff on the numbers and had suggested in several cases higher figures than what his committee settled upon.
'The issue is where we think the economy is going,' said Lang, adding he believes growth will be slower next year but should ramp back up in the second year. 'I do think it's going to be improving in 2027.'
Senate Deputy Democratic Leader Cindy Rosenwald of Nashua said she was much more pessimistic, particularly in the short term.
'The economy has shrunk in the first quarter, consumer confidence has slipped and we're likely to see supply chain problems in the next few months,' Rosenwald said.
'I think the chances for recession are much higher than they were a year ago.'
Senate Dems view "extreme uncertainty"
Sen. Donovan Fenton, D-Keene, the owner of an automotive sales business, said at one point revenue growth will be on the 'low end," with tariffs, higher prices and an economic slowdown all combining to confound experts about the future.
'I think there is extreme uncertainty,' Fenton said.
Sen. Keith Murphy, R-Manchester, the owner of a restaurant and conference center, said he agreed the future was cloudy.
'I don't talk to anyone at my businesses that says the economy is going to be surging,' Murphy said.
As a former House member, Murphy recalled Democrats in control of the Legislature in 2008 forecast huge revenue growth that didn't come to pass.
An $800 million budget deficit at that time led to layoffs, deep spending cuts, an ill-fated LLC Tax that was later repealed and many higher fees to balance the books.
'I was here in 2010 when we came out of a big, big hole. I don't want to see a repeat of that. I'd rather be surprised that more revenues came in than we had expected,' Murphy said.
The biggest rift between Ayotte's team and the Senate's numbers were in expected returns from the state's two main business taxes — the 7.5% Business Profits Tax and .55% Business Enterprise Tax — that generate about 40% of main taxes that support the budget.
Revenue Commissioner Lindsey Stepp had estimated a range of business tax growth between 2 and 8% for each of the next two years.
Ayotte took the higher number with the blessing of Stepp and Brian Gottlob, the state's chief economist who works with the Department of Employment Security.
The House budget had relied on the lower range while the Senate prediction falls somewhere in the middle which means it calls for bringing in $160 million less than Ayotte had forecast.
Ayotte's estimates were not all higher than the Senate.
After meeting with Lottery Executive Director Charles McIntyre, Lang convinced his panel to raise the estimate for legal wagering profits $35 million in each year over Ayotte's estimate.
Lang said the growing popularity of historic horse racing machine playing, the returns from the opening of a mega-charity casino in Nashua and one to come in Salem, and a future legalization of slot machine gambling all justify raising this forecast.
What's Next: The Senate Finance Committee will use these higher revenue estimates to restore some but not all of the cuts in state spending contained in the House-approved budget.
Prospects: A House-Senate conference committee on the budget will decide what the final revenue forecast is with the benefit of reviewing receipts that come in during May and some of June. In the past, the final revenue numbers on occasion have come in even higher than what the governor, House or Senate had settled upon.
klandrigan@unionleader.com

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The Red State Where Republicans Aren't Afraid of Trump
The Red State Where Republicans Aren't Afraid of Trump

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time25 minutes ago

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The Red State Where Republicans Aren't Afraid of Trump

The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Donald Trump's least favorite House Republican, Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky, likes to do an exaggerated impression of the president. As he recounted a long-ago phone call from Trump before a crowd of supporters in his district, Massie dropped the register of his voice to an octave resembling Yogi Bear's. 'It started out with: I'm more libertarian than you are,' Massie said. 'And it ended with: Well, you're going to get a primary if you vote for this.' The eruption that followed created a scene that you're unlikely to see anywhere else in America these days: a roomful of Republicans laughing at Trump's expense. The 54-year-old has been frustrating Trump since the beginning of the president's first term. The two are now fighting over the extent of Trump's war powers—Massie called the air strikes on Iran unconstitutional—and the president's 'big, beautiful bill,' which the seventh-term lawmaker opposed, one of just two House Republicans to do so. Massie is frequently a lone critic of the president in the 220-member House GOP caucus. But he's not such a solitary voice in the Kentucky delegation. The Bluegrass State backed Trump by 30.5 percentage points last year—one of his largest margins in the country. Nationwide, Republicans are more united around Trump than they've ever been. Yet Kentucky has become a rare hotbed of GOP resistance to the president's agenda. [Read: Mitch McConnell and the president he calls 'despicable'] Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, an early Trump presidential rival in 2016, is an ideological ally of Massie's; he's criticized the president's tariffs, his expansion of executive authority, and the deficit-busting legislation that contains the bulk of Trump's economic agenda. Then there's the state's senior senator, Mitch McConnell. Liberated from his commitments as Republican leader, the soon-to-retire McConnell has denounced Trump's Ukraine policy and his tariffs. He voted against more of the president's Cabinet nominees—Pete Hegseth, the defense secretary; Robert Kennedy Jr., the health secretary; and Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence—than any other GOP senator. McConnell, Paul, and Massie occasionally oppose Trump from different sides. But together they form a powerful bloc among the seven Republicans in Kentucky's eight-man congressional delegation, and their stands against the president are angering many of Trump's diehard supporters in the state, who feel oddly unrepresented by the lawmakers they've sent to Washington. 'We voted for Trump to straighten some things out,' Devon Cain, a 77-year-old retiree, told me outside a farm-supply store in Winchester, a small town outside of Lexington. 'Why a Republican would want to buck him, I don't know.' Mark Wallingford, a physician in rural Mason County, is even more livid. 'I will not vote for Thomas Massie. And if he is unopposed, I just wouldn't vote,' he told me after a local GOP meeting. The clashes between Trump and the Kentucky trio are a sensitive topic among state GOP officials, many of whom are hesitant to take sides against either the popular president or their influential local leaders. 'I'm MAGA all the way, and I'm Massie all the way,' Ken Moellman Sr., a retiree and one of Massie's constituents in northern Kentucky, told me. He compared the Trump-Massie relationship to a marriage. 'Sometimes you disagree, but when you disagree, that doesn't mean you get divorced.' The twice-divorced president seems to be pining for a breakup, however. He has repeatedly called for Massie's defeat in a primary—'GET THIS 'BUM' OUT OF OFFICE, ASAP!!!' Trump posted on Monday—and two of his top allies have formed a Kentucky political action committee to recruit a GOP challenger in Massie's district. The group began running a 30-second ad last week urging voters to 'fire Thomas Massie.' Although Massie has aggressively raised money off the president's attacks, he professes to not care about the threat to his seat. Trump, Massie likes to boast, earned fewer votes in Kentucky's Fourth Congressional District than he did. 'I'm not worried about losing,' he told me last month in the Capitol. To outsiders, Kentucky's politics can be hard to grasp. In some respects, the state is no different than any other Republican stronghold. Outside of the urban centers of Louisville and Lexington, Kentucky is largely rural and conservative. The state has not backed a Democrat for president or for the U.S. Senate since the 1990s. All but one of Kentucky's six House members are Republican, as are the majorities in both chambers of its legislature. But even as the state has gone decisively for Trump the past three elections, it has twice elected a Democratic governor, Andy Beshear. And the pair of Republicans that voters have sent to the Senate, McConnell and Paul, are as different from one another as any two senators from the same party in the country. McConnell is the institutionalist: a Reaganite and a Kentucky power broker who is now one of the last members of the GOP's old guard still serving in Congress. Paul arrived in Washington as part of the Tea Party wave of 2010, having upset a McConnell-backed front-runner in the primary by campaigning as a spending hawk. Massie won election to the House two years later on the Tea Party banner. 'We've always been a bit all over the place in the candidates that we support,' Rick VanMeter, a strategist from Kentucky who has worked for several Republicans in the state, told me. Although McConnell and Paul vote with Trump more often than they cross him, the president lacks a loyalist in the state's most powerful offices. That will probably change after next year's election to fill McConnell's seat, which Republicans will be heavily favored to win. The two leading candidates, Representative Andy Barr and Kentucky's former attorney general Daniel Cameron, are each stressing their support for Trump's agenda. Another contender, Nate Morris—who has ties to Vice President J. D. Vance and Donald Trump Jr.—joined the race this week. None of them is likely to highlight their connection to McConnell, whose popularity among Kentucky Republicans has plummeted in the years since he steered Trump's tax cuts and the president's three Supreme Court nominees through the Senate. (In fact, McConnell has been America's least popular senator for more than four years, according to one metric.) McConnell blamed Trump for the Capitol riot on January 6 (although he voted to acquit him in the Senate's impeachment trial), and he endorsed Trump only reluctantly last year. Multiple falls and freezing spells have slowed the 83-year-old, contributing to his decision not to seek an eighth Senate term in 2026. As I traveled around Kentucky last week, a few Republicans hailed McConnell's past leadership and the billions in funding that he's secured for the state. But hardly anyone I spoke with was sad to see him go. 'I can't stand him. 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Beshear, whose success in a deep-red state has attracted national notice, seems to be watching the GOP infighting with some bemusement. 'If Senator Paul, Senator McConnell, and I all say that tariffs are a bad idea, it's because they're a really bad idea,' the governor told me after a Juneteenth event in Lexington. Yet Beshear can only cheer them on so much. None of the Republicans battling Trump are centrists; Paul and Massie are opposing the president's bill because it doesn't cut spending deeply enough. 'The bill needs to die, but not for the reasons they're talking about,' Beshear said. The louder voices of discontent in Kentucky, however, are coming from Trump's base, which is heeding the president's call to ramp up pressure on his Republican critics. With McConnell retiring and Paul not up for reelection until 2028, the immediate target is Massie. Trump's backers in Washington and Kentucky are casting about for a serious challenger in Massie's district, and a few state legislators are considering the race, Republicans in the state told me. (One conservative, Niki Lee Ethington, a nurse and former parole officer, has launched a campaign, but she is not well known throughout the district.) Massie's base in northern Kentucky has a large libertarian contingent, and since his first reelection in 2014, he's never won fewer than 75 percent of votes in a primary. But a well-funded, Trump-backed campaign, should one emerge, would be something else entirely. In addition to motivating the president's frustrated base, a challenger could activate local Republicans who believe Massie's refusal to fight for the district's share of federal spending has hurt its bid for needed infrastructure projects. 'They're kind of over Massie's schtick,' VanMeter, the GOP strategist, told me. Gallatin County, which sits along the Ohio River about an hour's drive south of Cincinnati, is the second-smallest of Kentucky's 120 counties. It's one of 21 counties in Massie's congressional district, which stretches nearly 200 miles from the outskirts of Louisville to the state's eastern border. Last week, the quarterly meeting of Gallatin's Republican Party drew just eight attendees, who sat around folding tables at the public library in Warsaw, the county seat. The main order of business was a vote on whether to spend some of the roughly $1,800 that the committee had in its campaign account—a number nearly equivalent to Warsaw's population—on new signage for the party to display at festivals, county fairs, and other events. The bickering between Trump and Kentucky's GOP rebels did not come up, and perhaps that was for the best. Like many party organizations in the district, Gallatin's Republicans are divided over the Trump-Massie feud. The committee's vice chair, Wayne Rassman, told me he had grown frustrated with Massie's opposition to the president. 'He's not listening to the people in his district,' Rassman told me. 'I don't know what made him go off the deep end.' The party treasurer, Donna Terry, said that she used to be for Massie but no longer is. 'I'm a little fed up,' she told me. Both of them said they would probably back a primary challenger next year. The chair of Gallatin's GOP is Jim Kinman, a 51-year-old delivery specialist. He accepted the post reluctantly, explaining to me that the state party had told the county committee that it would be disbanded if it didn't elect a slate of officers. When I caught up with Kinman after the meeting, he lowered his voice before wading into the Trump-Massie fracas. He said that he had never gotten into the 'cultish' dynamic surrounding Trump, whom he did not support in 2016. 'Generally, he's done a good job,' Kinman said of the president. But, he added, 'when the rubber meets the road, I'm going to be with Thomas.' Kinman told me that his loyalty to Massie has caused consternation among his fellow Republicans in the area, but he wasn't budging. 'Thomas legitimately is the only person I trust more than myself,' Kinman said. Whereas many Kentucky Republicans want their representatives to back Trump unconditionally, Kinman said he admired Massie's adherence to his longtime principles. He compared him favorably to Paul, who is often aligned with Massie but has been a bit more open to compromise during the Trump era. (Kinman had nothing nice to say about McConnell, referring to him both as 'a snake' and 'the turtle.') 'We got plenty of people that are for rent,' Kinman said of politicians who too easily trade away their values. 'I'm glad that Thomas is not.' Massie was about to go bowling last weekend when Trump bombed Iran. With the House on recess, he was back in his district for an event with the Northern Kentucky Young Republicans, a group filled with his acolytes. The gathering was a relaxed affair—Massie nursed a Michelob Ultra and wore an untucked turquoise polo shirt—and represented a small show of force for his standing in the area. The organization has hosted other prominent Kentucky Republicans, including each of the major potential GOP contenders to replace McConnell in the Senate. But its president, T. J. Roberts, told me that Massie's event was the best attended. At 27, Roberts is the second-youngest state legislator in Kentucky history and one of several conservatives known as 'Massie's Nasties' for their loyalty to the seven-term representative—and for their occasional hardball campaign tactics. Like many at the bowling alley on Saturday night, Roberts said that he admires Massie and Trump with equal fervor. He told me that he didn't take the president's demand for a primary challenge seriously. 'President Trump is using this as a pressure technique against other members who may sway,' Roberts told me. 'It's a smart move. If I were in his shoes, I'd do the same thing.' As for Massie, Roberts said: 'He's inoculated from primaries.' Yet without impugning Trump, Roberts made sure to remind the crowd of around 80 people of Massie's MAGA credentials. 'There is no one who represents MAGA in Congress better than Thomas Massie,' Roberts said. 'He was MAGA before MAGA was a thing.' Massie began his speech by reminding the crowd of his overall support for Trump, but he tackled their disagreements head on, starting with the impending confrontation with Iran. Touting the resolution that he had introduced to block the president from ordering a unilateral military attack, Massie said, 'I have his respect, and he has mine, but he cannot engage us in a war without a vote of Congress.' The crowd applauded his stance. But unbeknownst to Massie, his argument was all but moot: Soon after he left the stage, Trump announced that U.S. warplanes had already struck Iran's nuclear sites. Like Trump, Massie is a storyteller who revels in sharing behind-the-scenes anecdotes that many politicians prefer either to keep private or to divulge without their names attached. Sass is a core part of his image, both in person and on social media, where he frequently uses the tagline #sassywithmassie. (Earlier this week when Vance wondered whether other vice presidents experienced 'as much excitement' as he has, Massie responded on X: 'Ask Mike Pence about his last month,' referring to January 6.) [Read: Republicans still can't say no to Trump] During his speech, Massie argued that Trump respected him 'because he knows I'm not a yes man' while also slyly mocking the president in ways that few Republicans dare to do in public. Massie described a House Republican conference meeting last month during which Trump droned on about him for so long that he had assumed the president was talking about someone else. At one point, Trump compared Massie with Paul. 'They're both from Kentucky, you can never get them to vote for anything, and they basically have the same hair,' Trump explained, according to Massie. 'Actually,' the president quickly added, 'I like Massie's hair better.' As the crowd at the bowling alley laughed, Massie quipped, 'Take the wins where you can get them!' Despite Massie's outward confidence about the prospect of a Trump-backed primary challenge, he has made some small moves that suggest a desire to declare a truce. He agreed to withdraw his war-powers resolution after Trump announced a cease-fire between Israel and Iran, at least temporarily abandoning the Democrats who planned to push it forward anyway. And although Massie voted against Trump's megabill when it passed the House last month, he insisted that he was open to supporting its final passage if the Senate makes changes to his liking. 'I'm a gettable vote!' he told me after his speech. (He explained his thinking this way to his supporters: 'I'll vote for a crap sandwich. I just want a pickle and two slices of bread.') I posed to Massie the question that had brought me to Kentucky in the first place: Why does a state that voted so strongly for Trump have such a disproportionate share of the president's GOP critics in high office? He replied by invoking Kentucky's divided status in the Civil War. 'We were a border state,' Massie said. 'We are independent in Kentucky, and I don't think you can take our vote for granted, whether it's representatives or constituents.' The coming months will test if that long-ago legacy still applies. Kentucky has clearly picked a side in the modern political wars, and its Republican voters must decide whether to force their remaining elected holdouts to join them. *Lead image credit: Illustration by Allison Zaucha / The Atlantic. Sources: Tom Williams / CQ-Roll Call, Inc / Getty; Kevin Carter / Getty; Chris Kleponis / CNP / Bloomberg / Getty; Sepia Times / Getty Article originally published at The Atlantic

Mass. lawmakers say they are on precipice of outlawing mandatory tenant-paid broker's fees in $61 billion budget
Mass. lawmakers say they are on precipice of outlawing mandatory tenant-paid broker's fees in $61 billion budget

Boston Globe

time26 minutes ago

  • Boston Globe

Mass. lawmakers say they are on precipice of outlawing mandatory tenant-paid broker's fees in $61 billion budget

State Senator Michael Rodrigues, the lead negotiator for his chamber, said the agreement came after warnings from the state budget office and budget watchdogs 'that tax revenues are precarious, to say the least.' 'We wanted to . . . minimize anything that happens, especially down in DC,' the Westport Democrat said. 'We still don't know what's going to happen down there.' Advertisement The $61 billion plan, which needs final legislative approval before going to Governor Maura Healey, would come in $1 billion under what Legislative leaders said they cut $300 million in what they had originally planned to spend on MassHealth, the state's Medicaid program, and stripped out administrative costs. They also said they slimmed down some local earmarks, or funding for projects in individual districts. Advertisement In doing so, they also rewrote its plan so that $450 million in money they plan to dedicate to local school districts will now be funded by money generated by the so-called millionaires tax. The agreement would now commit to spending $2.4 billion from that pot of revenue, a nearly $500 million jump from what they initially agreed to and more than $1 billion above what they budgeted for this fiscal year. The money generated by the surtax has repeatedly blown past state projections, with nearly State Representative Aaron Michlewitz, the House's budget chair, said legislative leaders felt they could 'be a little more aggressive with our approach' in using surtax funding given how much it's raised. 'Taking the term from Washington, this was actually the real Earlier this month, Healey signed a Rodrigues pointed to the bill as a sign that the Legislature is investing in the T, which would get $470 million in what lawmakers called 'direct investment.' 'We are very comfortable and confident that the amount of money that we invested in the MBTA will allow them to continue on the path they've been on in improving,' he said. Advertisement The sweeping plan announced Sunday also includes several major policy changes. It would effectively ban charging tenants mandatory broker's fees — The measure that would outlaw mandatory tenant-paid broker's fees is years in the making. The charges typically amount to a month's rent and have become a virtual rarity elsewhere. After Healey already The budget also would mandate that regional transit authorities provide fare-free service, while giving them $209 million in funding to make it a reality. The compromise budget also left out pieces of policy proposed by both chambers. The Senate, for example, attached a rider to its budget plan that would give local officials, not lawmakers on Beacon Hill, the power to determine the number of liquor licenses distributed in their city or town. It didn't make the cut. Neither did a proposal to pause admissions reforms at vocational and technical schools. State policymakers are trying to budget at a time of upheaval in Washington, where Republican leaders are pushing sprawling legislation through the US Senate that could Advertisement The state has been That could create some headaches in the weeks ahead, including a potential budget gap policymakers will need to decide how to fill. The Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation, a business-backed budget watchdog, said last week that tax revenue may come in at least $600 million below what state officials had initially projected for the fiscal year that starts Tuesday. That projection didn't even account for potential impacts of the Trump administration's trade policies or the chance of an economic downturn, which the foundation House Speaker Ron Mariano and Senate President Karen E. Spilka said in a joint statement that the plan would 'make Massachusetts more affordable, and will protect our most vulnerable residents.' 'As President Trump and Congressional Republicans continue to pursue devastating cuts to programs that millions of Americans rely on, we recognize the heightened importance of passing a fiscally responsible budget that invests in the areas that we value most,' the Democrats said. Advertisement Sunday's announcement marked a bit of relatively speedy deal-making for lawmakers. Should they whisk the agreement to Healey's desk on Monday as expected, it would be the first time since 2016 that they passed a budget deal before the start of the fiscal year. Still, Healey has 10 days to decide whether to sign, veto, or amend parts of the plan. That makes likely this the 15 straight year the state will begin the year 'She still has the opportunity to put some of her fingerprints on the budget, and we would never deny her that opportunity,' Rodrigues said of Healey. Samantha J. Gross can be reached at

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