OK To Shoot Down Cartel Drones Flying Over Border Sought By NORTHCOM Boss
Air Force Gen. Gregory M. Guillot testified to the House Armed Services Committee on Tuesday that since President Donald Trump took office, he 'proposed…a change to the rule of force.' It would 'allow us to shoot down or bring down drones that are surveilling over our deployed and mobile troops…not just that are in self-defense, but anything that's surveilling and planning the next attack on us within five miles of the border.'
'Because they're mobile,' U.S. troops on the border are not allowed to take down drones under current law, Guillot, the commander of U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM) and the joint U.S.-Canadian North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), added.
His testimony came as Mexican drug cartels have been steadily increasing their use of weaponized uncrewed aerial systems (UAS), as well as unarmed types for surveillance and smuggling. The issue has been so concerning that the U.S. Army recently deployed ground-based radars along the border to help spot and track drones as part of the continued build-up of U.S. military support there. You can read more about that in our in-depth story here. The Trump administration has made border security one of its major priorities.
The issue of drones flying over the border is not new. As we have reported in the past, pilots have reported seeing and having near misses with them in the skies near Arizona ranges and military bases for years.
Guillot also repeated his call to enable all Continental U.S. bases to take action against drones. He also wants to increase the range those actions can take place. At present, only about half of the 360 bases in the U.S. – considered 'covered installations' – even have permission to defend against drones.
'We're working with the services and with the [Defense] Department to increase not only the capability but also to expand the authorities,' Guillot explained. 'We have to knock out not only aircraft or UAS that are a direct threat, but also that are surveilling over the installation. I'd like to even see it expanded beyond the installation to ensure they can't see anything sensitive on our bases.'
Expanding the perimeter where counter-drone actions can take place also increases the chances of identifying and capturing the drone operators, Guillot explained.
Guillot testified that he wants increased ability to take action granted under a federal law known as '130(i).' The subsection of Title 10 of the U.S. Code (10 USC 130i) covers current authorities for the 'protection of certain facilities and assets from unmanned aircraft,' including through the use of kinetic and non-kinetic capabilities. It contains a number of specific stipulations and where and when those authorities can actually be employed, which you can read more about here.
Any change in those authorities, which Congress is considering, would be on top of the Pentagon's counter-drone strategy released in the last days of the Biden administration, which you can read more about here.
As we previously reported, the U.S. is not fielding kinetic and directed energy capabilities, such as laser and high-power microwave weapons, surface-to-air interceptors, and gun systems, to defend domestic bases and other critical infrastructure from rapidly growing and evolving drone threats. Instead, the focus is on electronic warfare and cyber warfare, and other 'soft-kill' options, at least for now.
The legal and regulatory hurdles limiting how and when counter-drone systems of any kind can be employed within the homeland are confusing even to the military and first responders.
Amid the frenzy of drone sightings reported over U.S. military and power facilities that we were the first to report about last November, runways at Stewart Airport in upstate New York were shut down because of a drone incursion in December. The airport is also home to an Air National Guard Base.
'Several very, very sizable drones came within 25 feet of our C-17 fleet,' said U.S. Rep. Pat Ryan during Tuesday's hearing.
Ryan said there was confusion at the time about how to respond. Base officials 'still don't have full clarity on authorities,' Ryan stated, adding that Stewart also lacks 'the tech and some of the other support pieces that they need.'
During the drone incursions over Langley Air Force Base in December 2023, which The War Zone was the first to report on, base officials were not given the authority to respond, the Congressman representing that district stated during the hearing.
The drones over Langley 'weren't trying to hide anything,' said U.S. Rep. Rob Wittman (R-VA). 'I felt bad for the base commander because he wanted to do something and wasn't getting backing from folks up the chain of command. We had a bunch of resources there where we could do things. None of those were used. If it wasn't for NASA Langley next door, we wouldn't even have the sensors to be able to sense those unmanned aerial systems…'
That lack of response sent the wrong message to foreign adversaries who observed it, Wittman complained.
'I believe that our adversaries are probing, trying to figure out what we can do, what we can't do, and that's very telling to them what they saw that day or what they saw over that month,' he explained. 'It was very telling to them that there wasn't the type of reaction that was necessary.'
In the wake of the Langley incursion, NORTHCOM asked for and received 'responsibility to synchronize the DOD and if necessary, inter-agency response to counter UAS incursions,' Guillot told Wittman. 'During that time we conducted three assistive responses where we can use our new responsibilities to bring capabilities on a base similar to what you saw at Langley.'
He did not elaborate where or when those responses took place. NORTHCOM later told us Guillot was referring to Edwards Air Force Base,Vandenburg Space Force Base and Picatinny Arsenal.
While it is up to the military services and installations to defend the bases from drones, NORTHCOM is looking to surge counter-drone equipment to assist them in what Guillot calls 'flyaway kits' that include counter-drone equipment and the personnel to operate it.
'We don't have those kits yet, but we're in the process of acquiring' them, he told committee members.
Guillot's testimony and statements by legislators further highlight concerns about dangers posed by drones that The War Zone has been making for years. We laid out a detailed case through dozens of reports that adversaries were taking advantage of the lack of aerial domain awareness over and above the homeland. The issue has been complicated by the fact that unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP), are also tied up in this deeply. You can read all about this here.
Congressional interest in mysterious UAS flying in the skies was further fueled by the so-called Jersey Drone craze. It began with sightings over Picatinny Arsenal and spread throughout the region to the point where the FBI fielded more than 5,000 reports. TWZ saw no evidence of large-scale drone incursions over New Jersey, with a chronic issue of people reporting normal aircraft as mysterious drones being glaringly apparent. The Biden administration repeatedly stated that there was no foreign connection to any of these flights. The Trump administration ultimately told the public that these drones were largely FAA-authorized or research-related.
During this period, U.S. air bases in England experienced a week-long spate of drones flying overhead, which The War Zone was also first to report. The origination of those drones and identity of their operators remains publicly unknown.
The Congressional reaction to Guillot's testimony seemed to heavily favor giving him more authority to shoot down drones near the border as well as all U.S. military installations. Given our long and leading interest in this topic, we will continue to monitor that progress.
Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com
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Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
Power struggle
Send tips | Subscribe here | Email Canada Playbook | Follow Politico Canada Thanks for reading Canada Playbook. Let's get into it. In today's edition: → The PM is under pressure to pull the plug on EV mandates. → MARC GOLD moves on from the Senate. Trade war CHARGED DEBATE — With talks with Trump back on, Prime Minister MARK CARNEY met with the Big Three automakers in Ottawa on Wednesday — a pitstop in the pursuit of that elusive economic and security partnership with the United States. — In the room: The CEOs of Ford Canada, Stellantis Canada and GM Canada. CBC News reports the confab was requested by the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers' Association. — On the agenda: 'The need to build up a made-in-Canada supply chain as well as diversify our trading partners,' according to a statement from the PM's office. They covered trade war fallout. 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On Monday he turned 75 — the mandatory retirement age for senators, days after he helped steamroll Bill C-5 through the upper chamber. — Pack it in: Playbook spoke to Gold as he was packing up his office, previously filled with 40 family pictures, books and a guitar. Gold, who is known to perform at Senate holiday parties, caught MAVIS STAPLES at the Ottawa Jazz Festival during his final week in Ottawa. 'She's an old favorite of mine.' And spent his mornings listening to JERRY LEE LEWIS and JOHN COLTRANE records. 'I'm full of emotions these days, but very much at peace and looking forward to the next chapter,' said Gold. 'This has really been a remarkably nourishing and important experience.' — Apply within: Gold was among the first senators appointed in 2016 under a public application process. He previously taught constitutional law, and even once trained federally appointed judges. 'I certainly had no expectation I would be selected. But when I did get the call from the prime minister, I was honored. And I have to say it's been the best chapter in my professional life.' Gold was selected by a nonpartisan, independent advisory board under a process created by then-Prime Minister JUSTIN TRUDEAU who said he wanted to make the Red Chamber less partisan and more diverse. — Before that: The Senate was dominated by a Liberal-Conservative duopoly for nearly 150 years. — Proudest moment: Gold said changes to the Senate allowed it to better fulfill its constitutional role: reviewing legislation, amplifying underrepresented voices, and respecting the will of the elected House. 'An independent Senate … means more independence from the direct control of the Prime Minister's Office,' Gold said. 'I'd like to see that continue. It's up to the prime minister to decide what adjustments, if any, he chooses to make.' — Crickets: We asked the Prime Minister's Office for an update on Senate reforms. 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For bonus marks: Tell us how this question is related to this date in history. Send your answer to canadaplaybook@ Writing tomorrow's Playbook: MICKEY DJURIC and MIKE BLANCHFIELD. Canada Playbook would not happen without: Canada Editor Sue Allan, editor Willa Plank and POLITICO's Grace Maalouf.


Fox News
an hour ago
- Fox News
Troops at the Border: How the military's role in immigration enforcement has exploded under Trump
In a dramatic escalation of military involvement in immigration enforcement, the U.S. Air Force and Navy are taking over vast new swathes of federal land along the southern border, under a directive from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. One 250-mile stretch, located in Texas' Cameron and Hidalgo counties, is being transferred to Air Force control and will fall under the jurisdiction of Joint Base San Antonio and be managed as part of a newly established National Defense Area (NDA). The land is being transferred from the International Boundary and Water Commission, an agency traditionally responsible for handling water and boundary disputes between the U.S. and Mexico, marking a significant shift in the use and oversight of federal land at the border. Another 140-mile stretch of land along the border near Yuma, Arizona, will be transferred to Navy jurisdiction. These mark the third NDAs created under the Trump administration, following similar moves in New Mexico and near El Paso, Texas. The areas are designated as military zones to bolster border security operations amid a surge in illegal crossings under the Biden administration. Presidents since Richard Nixon have deployed active-duty troops and reservists to the border. But until Trump, they've largely been restricted to logistical support: surveillance, building roads, etc. U.S. troops stationed in the NDAs will now be authorized to apprehend, search and detain migrants until Customs and Border Protection agents arrive. Migrants entering these zones may also face trespassing charges for entering military property. The move is part of a broader mission managed by the Joint Task Force – Southern Border (JTF-SB), a joint effort between the Air Force and U.S. Northern Command to consolidate and strengthen military presence along the border. To support these efforts, the military has deployed Stryker vehicles, ground-based radar systems, and even begun 3D-printing drones to enhance surveillance capacity and reduce costs. Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell said the coordinated efforts between DoD and Customs and Border Patrol led to zero "gotaways," or migrants that escape authorities, across the entire southern border from June 28-30. Civil liberties groups have sounded the alarm, warning the policy blurs the lines between military and law enforcement roles and may violate the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibits the use of federal troops in domestic policing without congressional approval. "Using the military purpose doctrine to justify direct military involvement in immigration enforcement is a transparent ruse to evade the Posse Comitatus Act," the Brennan Center for Justice said in a statement. "The nominal justification is protecting the installation, but the installation itself was created to apprehend and detain migrants." Critics also warn the policy could set a dangerous precedent. "If soldiers are allowed to take on domestic policing roles at the border, it may become easier to justify military deployments within the U.S. interior," the Center added. Andy Gould, former Arizona supreme court justice, said he thought the move was "extremely effective against the cartels and completely legal." "He's created No Trespassing zones on the border, and by taking federal land and declaring a national emergency and transferring it to the military, and then also using the military as an exception to the Posse Comitatus Act where he says, 'This is a military purpose to deal with the emergency on the border.'" "The idea that the President United States can use a military presence to defend an American border, I think that's going to be tough to challenge." Since President Donald Trump took office, the number of active-duty troops at the southern border has surged from under 2,000 to more than 8,000, with Hegseth authorizing up to 10,000 earlier this year. This militarized approach has also prompted drug traffickers to shift tactics, turning to maritime smuggling routes in response to intensified land enforcement. The Pentagon has responded by deploying naval vessels with Coast Guard teams to interdict sea-based drug operations. "We know terrorists are trying to get in through our border," said Brig Barker, former FBI advisor to U.S. Special Operations Command and counterterrorism expert. "Swarming this with different inter-agencies is a good thing. … The military has a lot of refined skills and capabilities that civilian law enforcement doesn't have. He predicted that military counternarcotics missions would push further into Latin America, "bringing that out to that fight farther out from our border, really kind of preempt before they can get closer to our border."


Indianapolis Star
2 hours ago
- Indianapolis Star
Immigrants helped build Indianapolis, leaving their unique marks on the fabric of the city
When Kanwal Prakash "KP" Singh moved to Indianapolis in 1967 he was one of only two Sikhs in the city. Singh had arrived in the United States from India two years earlier to pursue a master's degree in city planning at the University of Michigan. A job opportunity brought him to Indianapolis, which had a reputation as uncultured and unwelcoming — even as leaders worked to overcome a legacy of intolerance and ties to the Ku Klux Klan. Nearly 60 years later, Indianapolis continues to attract new residents from around the globe. Those new citizens include more than 15,000 other Sikh families in the metro area. 'That's one small ethnic group. You have to then multiply the same kind of increase and progress of the entire Indian community, the Mexican community — people from all over the world," Singh said. "I have had the pleasure to be not just a distant witness but to be a part of it." A recent Indiana University report shows international immigration has driven population growth in Indiana since 2008. U.S. Census Bureau data reveals Marion County was home to 128,590 foreign-born (naturalized and those classified as not a U.S. citizen) residents in 2023. More than half — 74,180 — came in the last 15 years. Most of the new arrivals hail from Latin American countries (52.7%), followed by Asia (22.7%) and Africa (18.6%). Since the city's establishment in the 1820s, Indianapolis has been a magnet for immigrants seeking opportunity and refuge. But many faced bigotry based on their ethnicity and religion. Those hostilities often were driven by residents who feared changes their new neighbors brought with them. 'Indianapolis was a majority White, Protestant city and you had the prejudices that went along with that," said Marion County historian Steven Barnett. "If you weren't part of that, essentially, the majority group, you might not be allowed to participate. They may not be hired. You may not be allowed in social organizations. You might not be allowed even in restaurants or other businesses. There was no overt violence. They just weren't accepted.' Still, with time and familiarity, immigrant families — and their customs, businesses and contributions — slowly blended into the fabric of the city. Some left indelible marks on Indianapolis, helping shape the city as it is today. The imprint of immigrants is found in architecture, such as the Scottish link to Mile Square and the German Athenaeum; street names; houses of worship; the ethnic cuisine of the International Marketplace; and celebrations highlighting the many heritages co-existing in the city. But a new wave of anti-immigrant sentiments is erupting in Indianapolis and across the U.S., which once celebrated its role as a cultural melting pot, in a surge of nativism. Under the direction of President Donald Trump, federal agencies are enacting policies to restrict immigration under an "America first" banner, while also targeting immigrants already in the country — including families, laborers and students. The long-simmering political push-and-pull over diversity and inclusion has spilled into the streets, giving way to volatility in some places. Recent high-profile immigration crackdowns are capturing the world's attention as masked federal agents are recorded detaining people on city streets, at courthouses and workplaces. The situation boiled over in Los Angeles in June after the president deployed the California National Guard and U.S. Marines to quell protests calling for abolishment of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The policy decision is one of many factors that drove millions of Americans opposed to the Trump administration's tactics into the streets in June for nationwide counter protests. The story of Indianapolis and immigration begins more than two centuries ago in a remote, swampy woods near where Fall Creek meets White River. Commissioners appointed by the Indiana General Assembly picked the site. An immigrant platted the new town. Born in Scotland, Alexander Ralston arrived in Indiana in the early 1820s. He'd assisted Major Pierre Charles L'Enfant with the surveying for Washington, D.C. Ralston was hired, along with Englishman Elias Fordham, to do the same work for the new city that would be called Indianapolis. Chronicles of the city's origin credit Ralston with designing the map of the Mile Square, which consisted of a center square and four intersecting streets. He stayed to make Indianapolis his home until his death in 1827. Over time, Indianapolis attracted pioneers from other states, including African Americans migrating from the South. Also coming to the city were Germans, Irish, Italians, Syrians, Africans, Asian and Latino immigrants. The first major wave of immigration in the 1830s and 1840s included the Germans and Irish, said historian Barnett. Many came for work. Others sought to escape economic hardships or oppression in their homelands. German-speaking people sought new opportunities, refuge from crop failure and liberty from oppression stemming from militarism to stamp out revolutions in the 1840s. In Indianapolis, they became influential in business and art. German architects designed many monuments and buildings throughout the city. Before the potato famine swept through Ireland, Irish immigrants began arriving in the 1830s to help construct the Central Canal, said Barnett. They also helped build railroads making the city a transportation hub with an identity as the 'Crossroads of America.' More Irish immigrants followed to escape the potato famine. After the Civil War, Indianapolis saw the arrival of Italians and other Eastern European ethnic groups through the end of the 19th Century, according to Barnett. Jewish settlers also found a home in the city, as did a large Arab community, mostly consisting of people with Syrian ancestry. They came in search of a better life, he said. Some of the immigrants made money and returned home. Others stayed, settling into various parts of the growing city. They carried with them their language, cuisine, art, cultural traditions and religious practices. Some even recruited other relatives and families to join them in Indiana. From a cultural standpoint, the German community maintained a strong thread in the fabric of the city's identity. "The Soldiers and Sailors Monument in Monument Circle — that's probably the most outstanding expression of German art and monumental monumental sculptures. It's just a very strong expression of a German-style monuments," Barnett said. "A lot of architecture in the city was evocative of German culture." World War I, however, created new challenges for German-speaking people and gave rise to anti-German sentiments, Barnett said. In response, families and individuals changed their last names to distance themselves from Germany, so did heritage organizations. "The German population," Barnett said, "tried to show that 'we're more American' than the Americans." Das Deutsche Haus — which translates to The German House in English — became the Athenaeum. The historic landmark, which opened in 1898 and is known for its German Renaissance Revival architecture, remains a prominent landmark. By the early 1900s, several charitable organizations were working in Indianapolis to assist immigrants. During this time, Eastern Europeans from Slovenia, Croatia and Germany began settling on the west side between White River and Speedway, Barnett said. In the neighborhood of Haughville, an ironworks attracted immigrants in search of work. New churches and religious institutions, such as the former Holy Trinity Catholic Church, opened to serve immigrant communities planting roots in Indianapolis. A Romanian Orthodox church opened on West 16th Street. Additionally, the Slovenian National Home opened in 1918 as a social club where dances, concerts, sports and card games took place for East European immigrants. It remains active today. The area south of downtown — near Kosher-inspired deli Shapiro's Delicatessen — became home to a mix of people of Jewish descent, Protestants, Catholics and African Americans. The current wave of nativism — a political policy that prioritizes native-born citizens over immigrants and typically involves restricting immigration — resembles prior anti-immigrant episodes, Barnett said. Nativism rose in the 1850s and continued in various ways including a resurgence of the Klan after World War I. Much like today, immigrants were accused of taking American jobs and criticized for speaking their native languages. Historian Jill Weiss Simins wrote in an 2024 blog that the Klan wrapped its anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic, and anti-semitic rhetoric in so-called America First patriotism and Christian righteousness. As many as one in four Hoosiers were members. Klan members, Simins wrote, saw white supremacy in the U.S. as under attack and believed it was their sacred duty to protect white domination. 'For the Midwestern Klan, the main obstacle to this goal was not African Americans. Many Indiana towns had small numbers of Black residents, and there were plenty of institutionalized practices and laws in place by the 1920s to suppress African Americans," she wrote. "The Klan helped to keep these as standard practice. However, they saw immigrants, mainly Catholics but also Jews, as the main threat to a White, Protestant America." Spanish-speaking immigrants were among the newest wave of people seeking opportunities in Indianapolis. Primarily from Mexico, they began settling along West Washington Street in the mid-1980s, Barnett said. The corridor, where signs in Spanish are still common, was the first in the city to see economic development through Mexican restaurants and businesses. Weather also played a role in attracting Latino immigrants. After destructive winds struck the city in the 1990s, Barnett said Latino construction workers soon arrived to help rebuild. Some remained. The city's Latino population has diversified as people from other Spanish-speaking countries moved to Indianapolis. Asians also have made the city home as locally based, global companies such as Eli Lilly & Co. provided job opportunities. When city officials tout Indianapolis now, they often point to the International Marketplace. The neighborhood centered along Lafayette Road between 30th and 46th streets is home to more than 75 culturally diverse restaurants and businesses. In a single strip mall on West 38th Street, adventurous diners can find restaurants serving Ethiopian, Peruvian, Mexican, Indian and Chinese cuisine. The area is indicative of Indianapolis's beginnings as a Midwest cultural gateway, said Mary Clark, the International Marketplace Coalition's executive director. "This is who we are. Embrace it. Accept it," Clark said. "We just have to get through the next four years and it'll be all good again." Indiana also has attracted many Burmese Americans. Elaisa Vahnie, president and CEO of the Burmese American Community Institute, said 40,000 Burmese Americans began arriving as political refugees in the early 1990s. About 30,000 settled in Indianapolis. Many call Perry Township home, but some are moving to other neighborhoods, said Vahnie, whose great uncle John Mang Tling was the first Burmese immigrant to settle in Indianapolis. One Sunday in June, Singh and more than 4,000 people of the Sikh faith from across the Midwest gathered at the Gurdwara Sikh Satsang of Indianapolis on Southeastern Avenue to celebrate the 75th Barsi of Baba Prem Singhjee. The Gurdwara, a Sikh place of worship, is home to Indiana's oldest and largest Sikh congregation. To become part of their community immigrants must interact and partner with their neighbors, said Singh, who added he's seen Indianapolis become more receptive to different cultures. Initially, Singh said he was denied restaurant service because of his turban, a sacred garment. He experienced housing and police discrimination, and was treated as a curiosity by a former newspaper. But he saw opportunity in each incident. 'The more such incidents happened the more I felt I needed to be here instead of moving to another town,' he said. 'Maybe I had a role to play.' In the decades since, Singh has become a community leader and advocate for diversity. 'The climate has changed enormously,' he said, 'I have been very dedicated to that — to every citizen counting." As part of the June celebration many Sikhs engaged in the practice of selfless service, a major pillar of their faith. They gathered 30,000 bottles of water for Wheeler Mission and collected food for Gleaners Food Bank of Indiana. They fellowshipped, ate together and hosted a high priest who has visited Indianapolis several times as the city's profile grows in India. Sisters Simran Kaur, 19, and Tamanna Kaur, 18, were born and raised in Indianapolis. They said it wasn't always easy growing up in the city, but they've come to embrace their identity as American Sikhs. With the city's growing diversity, they now see a future here. "It's pretty to look at — you know, all the cultures and then all of them coming together ... I think it's awesome," Tamanna said. "I wouldn't want to leave here. I see myself here."