The two faces of Ursula: Reinvention or deception at the EU's helm?
The Green Deal stood at the centre of her first presidency, offering climate hope and a surprisingly collaborative touch, flanked by the liberal Danish Executive Vice-President Margrethe Vestager and Frans Timmermans, the socialist Dutchman - co-stars in her ensemble cast.
That was Season 1.
But as Season 2 gets underway, followers of her first term might be wondering if they're still watching the same show.
Or at least asking if the lead character has been switched and a doppelganger has taken the helm.
So what's happened - is Ursula von der Leyen suffering an identity crisis, or simply channelling her inner political shapeshifter?
Different style, different priorities
The new Ursula appears to be a pragmatic political realist, even Machiavellian.
A significant part of this shift toward centralisation can be attributed to her powerful chief of staff, Bjoern Seibert, an adept puppet master skilfully pulling the strings of power within the Berlaymont building.
During Season 1, maverick Commissioners such as France's Thierry Breton and Luxembourg's Nicolas Schmit developed as characters critical of von der Leyen's decisions. This has now disappeared from the script, and Ursula's gone from ensemble lead to solo act.
Most importantly, they've been replaced with lower-profile allies who are kept in the dark on key decisions - most notably during the unveiling of the EU's long-term budget, when Commissioners reportedly saw the figures only moments before the official curtain raise on the proposal.
Core priorities have seemingly vanished. There's an air of political amnesia, or perhaps strategic dissociation, where past commitments are forgotten or discarded.
But what are Ursula von der Leyen's true colours? Is she still the 'Green Queen' of 2019, or has she transformed into the grey, power-consolidating 'VDL'?
The curious case of the vanishing Green Deal
Let's rewind to 2019, when von der Leyen made the Green Deal the crown jewel of her presidency.
Back then, 'green' wasn't just a policy, it was a vibe. The Green Deal was supposed to transform Europe's economy, its agriculture and transport. Fast forward to today: the vibe's off.
Her environmental mission seems increasingly distant, if not altogether abandoned.
Today, the Green Deal is conspicuously absent, not just from rhetoric, but also from official documents. In the new long-term EU budget proposal, for instance, the term isn't mentioned once.
Many of its pillars are being dismantled piece by piece.
The most glaring example is the systematic rollback of Green Deal initiatives - such as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism - through so-called "Omnibus" simplification proposals, with the latest retreat involving the proposed Green Claims Directive—meant to combat greenwashing.
More symbolic is the disappearance of the "Farm to Fork" strategy, once the farming side of the Green Deal, which has all but vanished from speeches, policy documents, and public messaging.
Its omission from the Commission's long-awaited 'Vision for Agriculture and Food' was effectively a quiet burial, making the document less of a vision and more a eulogy.
Officially, the Commission remains in denial, but the signs of abandonment are impossible to ignore.
Europe's Beating Cancer Plan - missing a beat?
Green isn't the only colour fading from von der Leyen's palette, telling a story of a shifting focus. Over in the health file, there's a quiet code blue, with a key dossier on life support.
In her first term, von der Leyen championed the European Health Union, with the Beating Cancer Plan as a cornerstone. With €4 billion on the table, the Commission pledged a full-frontal assault on tobacco, alcohol, asbestos, and other risk factors for cancer.
But momentum has slowed dramatically.
Measures targeting tobacco and alcohol reduction have stalled, and once-prioritised regulations (such as those governing sunbed usage) have been quietly dropped.
The new EU4Health budget reflects this decline.
In 2024, €115 million was allocated specifically for cancer. In 2025, this has been slashed to €60 million, now also covering not just cancer but also cardiovascular disease and other non-communicable illnesses.
With attention diverted to pandemic preparedness and other priorities, it's unclear how much of the original vision will survive.
And with more open files than open funding lines, Brussels insiders are asking: is health promotion and the fight against cancer being reassigned to sleepy interns and relegated to just a historical footnote?
Back to her roots: Defence and military power
And yet, amid the abandonment of green and health priorities, von der Leyen appears more energised than ever, but on a different front: defence.
A year into her second term, the former German defence minister has returned to familiar territory. With the Green Deal receding, she has seized the geopolitical moment to promote a stronger European defence industry.
With her former life as Germany's defence minister back in vogue (and with Frans Timmermans no longer breathing green fire down her neck), von der Leyen has pivoted hard to European defence.
An example: the EU's upcoming budget cycle (starting in 2028) proposes a fivefold increase in defence and space funding. National budgets on defence are also rising, spurred by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Her Commission has also recently proposed structural changes: redirecting cohesion funds to defence, relaxing fiscal rules to allow greater military spending, launching the European Competitiveness Fund (ECF), and offering low-interest loans under the SAFE scheme.
There's also an emphasis on simplifying defence procurement rules and boosting joint R&D initiatives.
Still to come: a military mobility package aimed at streamlining troop and equipment movement, and the unveiling of plans for a true "European Defence Union".
With the US increasingly focused on the Indo-Pacific, the EU faces a test: can it become a credible security actor within NATO? And will von der Leyen's defence push bear fruit in time to deter potential threats—particularly from Russia—by 2030?
The verdict: the jury's still out...
From Green Deal visionary to defence strategist, von der Leyen's transformation has raised eyebrows across Brussels and beyond, leaving many confused.
The contrast between the two mandates could not be starker. So, who is the real Ursula von der Leyen?
Is she the eco-champion who once promised to make Europe the first climate-neutral continent? Or the iron-fisted strategist consolidating power and refocusing on geopolitical muscle?
Perhaps both. Perhaps only one of them ever truly existed. Or maybe neither.
What's clear is that the second mandate is not just more of the same: It's a whole new season and a new cast. With the same protagonist wearing the same blazer but with different habits and a different mind.
As Brussels braces for the next plot twist, especially with US tariffs and budget wrangling, one thing's for sure: Ursula von der Leyen is playing a different game.
And the rest of Europe? Still trying to figure out if this is a character arc... or a complete reboot.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Euronews
39 minutes ago
- Euronews
Change blows over the Baltic Sea as Poland bets on offshore wind
The energy transition is one of the most important challenges the European Union is facing. While the goal is clear – to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 – the road to get there is sometimes bumpy. The struggles of the energy transition are particularly evident in the wind energy sector, which, despite its dynamic development, still faces numerous barriers. Poland, being one of the largest CO₂ emitters in the EU, is an example of both the opportunities and the difficulties of this transition. For the first time in history, renewable energy sources (RES) in Poland trumped coal in the national energy mix. This is not a one-off incident, experts say, but a sign of a lasting shift in the country's energy landscape. "Every day, during daylight hours, we have much more energy from RES than from coal," comments Piotr Czopek, vice president at the Polish Wind Energy Association, emphasising that the country is just entering a new chapter in its energy transition. Renewable energy, as the cheapest source available today, can become the foundation for the future competitiveness of Polish industry in the European and global arena. Offshore wind energy plays a special role as a sector that is just coming to life. Poland has significant wind energy potential, especially in Pomerania and the central part of the country. According to the Polish Wind Energy Association (PWEA), the installed capacity of wind farms in Poland exceeded 9 GW at the beginning of 2025. However, the development of onshore wind turbines has been blocked for years by the '10H rule' - a regulation requiring wind turbines to be built no closer than ten times their height from the nearest buildings. Although a 2023 amendment softened these restrictions and gave the sector a much-needed investment boost, experts warn that further reforms are still necessary to unlock the full potential of wind energy. "Offshore wind energy? From the point of view of these renewables, it's the most stable source," says Czopek. "Anyone who has been to the Baltic Sea knows that it always blows properly there." "This makes this power industry very stable, it produces a lot of energy, on top of that, it is far away from human settlements, so no one is bothered by it. Secondly, the Baltic Sea is a relatively shallow sea, which facilitates investment," he adds. Although no offshore wind farm in Poland is yet fully operational, the first turbines are already standing in the Baltic Sea. Construction by the Baltic Power consortium (Orlen and Canada's Northland Power) aims to create a 1200 MW farm. Further projects will start next year, and by 2030, Poland plans to reach 6,000 MW of energy from offshore wind farms. As experts emphasise, this is not only an energy investment – it is also an opportunity for the industry. "We are at the initial, ascending stage. Already today, many large factories are being built in Poland – in Szczecin, in Gdansk and in other cities," Czopek says. Baltic Towers in Gdansk is just one example of a growing manufacturing base. Importantly, Poland is attracting not only domestic companies but also global players who are opening production facilities here. "No one will invest hundreds of millions of euros in Poland if they don't see that they can make money from this business," he emphasises. Offshore wind energy is also an export opportunity, as turbine components, infrastructure, or design services can go to markets all over the world. At the European level, wind energy is also growing in strength. According to WindEurope, EU countries installed a total of 18 GW of new wind capacity in 2024, mainly in Germany, Spain and the Netherlands. However, the EU faces rising component costs, inflation and global competition, above all from China, which dominates turbine production. Brussels plans to counter these trends through the European Act on Carbon Neutral Industries and strategic raw material partnerships. The aim is to increase Europe's technological and energy independence, especially given the ongoing geopolitical crisis. Social challenges are also not insignificant. In many regions – both in Poland and Western Europe – residents are protesting against the construction of wind farms, concerned about noise, landscape aesthetics or the impact on local ecosystems. Social acceptance is playing an increasingly important role, which, as research shows, can be increased through the participation of local communities in investments and a fair distribution of profits. Wind turbines have become a symbol of a green future and the fight against CO₂ emissions. However, questions are increasingly being asked about how much it really costs to build wind farms and whether their carbon footprint contradicts the idea of 'green energy'? The construction of a wind farm – whether onshore or offshore – is a financially intensive undertaking. According to WindEurope, the cost of installing one wind turbine on land ranges from €1.2 to €1.6 million for each megawatt of energy-producing capacity. For offshore or marine farms, the costs are even higher, as much as €3 to €5 million per megawatt. The total cost includes manufacturing and transporting the turbines, the construction of the foundations, network connections (often tens of kilometres of cables), engineering and maintenance work. Experts point out that, although wind energy is 'free', the infrastructure needed to generate it involves huge investment and technical costs. A typical wind turbine requires around 200-300 litres of specialised oil every 1.5-2 years. For offshore farms, the logistics and labour costs can far exceed the price of the lubricant itself. The industry is now looking for ways to reduce oil consumption or change lubrication technology altogether. Ideas are also emerging for the use of greener bio-liquids. On 18-19 November, the largest offshore wind energy conference in Poland, and also the largest in Central and Eastern Europe, will be held in Warsaw. As the organisers, the Polish Wind Energy Association, point out, the event is intended to bring together investors and supply chain companies. "It's a space to discuss investments and to do business – because that's what it's all about, to be able to meet and talk about what we can do together," it says. Poland is at a turning point today. Although only a few years ago coal dominated the domestic energy sector indivisibly, today it is wind, both literally and figuratively, that is blowing in the sails of the transformation. Renewable energy is not only changing the way we produce electricity. It is also changing the way we think about the future – greener, more competitive and more independent.
Fashion Network
39 minutes ago
- Fashion Network
India accuses EU, US of double standard over Russian trade
India has sharply criticised the US and the European Union, saying it is being unfairly singled out by them over its Russian oil purchases when they both trade extensively with Moscow despite the war in Ukraine. India's criticism followed a renewed threat by US President Donald Trump on Monday to raise tariffs on goods from India over its Russian oil purchases, deepening the trade rift between the two countries. In a rare show of unity, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the main opposition Congress on Tuesday condemned Trump's repeated criticism of New Delhi. India's Foreign Ministry said in a statement issued late on Monday that "it is revealing that the very nations criticising India are themselves indulging in trade with Russia". The US embassy and the EU's delegation in New Delhi did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Both the US and EU have sharply scaled back their trade ties with Russia since it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In 2021, Russia was the EU's fifth-largest trading partner, with goods exchange worth 258 billion euros, according to the EU executive European Commission. The sudden rift between India and the US has been deepening since July 31, when Trump announced a 25% tariff on Indian goods being shipped to the US and for the first time threatened unspecified penalties for buying Russian oil. India is one of the biggest buyers of crude from Russia, importing about 1.75 million barrels per day from January to June this year, up 1% from a year ago. India has said it does not support "unilateral sanctions" by the EU. Trade experts say Trump's tariff could badly hurt India's economy. Ajay Srivastava of the New Delhi-based Global Trade Research Initiative said he expected Indian goods exports to the US to fall 30% in the current fiscal year ending March 31, to 60.6 billion dollars from 86.5 billion dollars in the 2025 fiscal year. India's equity benchmarks fell after Trump's renewed threat of harsh tariffs on goods from India. Manish Tewari, a member of parliament and Congress leader, said Trump's "disparaging remarks hurt the dignity and self-respect of Indians". "The time has come to call out this constant bullying and hectoring," he added. BJP Vice President Baijayant Jay Panda quoted Henry Kissinger - the most powerful US diplomat of the Cold War era - in a post on X: "To be an enemy of America can be dangerous, but to be a friend is fatal."
Fashion Network
an hour ago
- Fashion Network
India accuses EU, US of double standard over Russian trade
India has sharply criticised the US and the European Union, saying it is being unfairly singled out by them over its Russian oil purchases when they both trade extensively with Moscow despite the war in Ukraine. India's criticism followed a renewed threat by US President Donald Trump on Monday to raise tariffs on goods from India over its Russian oil purchases, deepening the trade rift between the two countries. In a rare show of unity, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the main opposition Congress on Tuesday condemned Trump's repeated criticism of New Delhi. India's Foreign Ministry said in a statement issued late on Monday that "it is revealing that the very nations criticising India are themselves indulging in trade with Russia". The US embassy and the EU's delegation in New Delhi did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Both the US and EU have sharply scaled back their trade ties with Russia since it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In 2021, Russia was the EU's fifth-largest trading partner, with goods exchange worth 258 billion euros, according to the EU executive European Commission. The sudden rift between India and the US has been deepening since July 31, when Trump announced a 25% tariff on Indian goods being shipped to the US and for the first time threatened unspecified penalties for buying Russian oil. India is one of the biggest buyers of crude from Russia, importing about 1.75 million barrels per day from January to June this year, up 1% from a year ago. India has said it does not support "unilateral sanctions" by the EU. Trade experts say Trump's tariff could badly hurt India's economy. Ajay Srivastava of the New Delhi-based Global Trade Research Initiative said he expected Indian goods exports to the US to fall 30% in the current fiscal year ending March 31, to 60.6 billion dollars from 86.5 billion dollars in the 2025 fiscal year. India's equity benchmarks fell after Trump's renewed threat of harsh tariffs on goods from India. Manish Tewari, a member of parliament and Congress leader, said Trump's "disparaging remarks hurt the dignity and self-respect of Indians". "The time has come to call out this constant bullying and hectoring," he added. BJP Vice President Baijayant Jay Panda quoted Henry Kissinger - the most powerful US diplomat of the Cold War era - in a post on X: "To be an enemy of America can be dangerous, but to be a friend is fatal."
