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NDTV
01-07-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
US' 'Covert' Operations In Pak, And Why They Should Surprise No One
June has been a month of allegations, revelations, overtures, and assumptions. Coincidentally, these followed India's conditional halt in strikes on terror hideouts and launchpads in Pakistan. Four days of intense strikes continued till May 10 before New Delhi agreed to cease Operation Sindoor on Islamabad's appeal. Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister, Ishaq Dar, later confirmed that his country requested a ceasefire following attacks on Nur Khan and other key air bases during the operations. The strike on Nur Khan airbase in Chaklala, near the garrison town of Rawalpindi - the city housing Pakistan's military headquarters - was a blow too big for Pakistan to cope with. About a month after India's conditional ceasefire, a senior journalist in Pakistan revealed how Americans run the Nur Khan air base. 'Not Authorised To Know' In a podcast, author Imtiaz Gul had claimed that even the Pakistan army was not allowed to interfere in operations at the base. He revealed how once, when a Pakistan Air Force officer repeatedly sought to know what cargo American aircraft carried at the base, he was told at gunpoint that he was not authorised to know these details. It obviously created a flutter since the disclosure embarrassed both Islamabad and Rawalpindi. Even as the controversy was on, an old interview of a senior army officer on a private channel further reddened the faces of Pakistan's powers that be. The interview was hosted by Hamid Mir, a veteran journalist credited to have also conducted the last official interview of Osama bin Laden. Incidentally, Mir has had a difficult relationship with the political and military leaders in Pakistan due to his outspoken and often critical views towards the administration. In the old clip that went viral towards the end of June, Lt Gen (Retd) Shahid Azeez is heard saying that Pakistani troops were not even allowed to enter the Jacobabad and Pasni bases. He alleged these were under US control during its post-9/11 war on terror. He further claimed that the then-President, Pervez Musharraf, had told army commanders that he had already promised the US access to Pakistani bases. The decision was taken despite the protests of top army officers. Pak Is A Resourceful Ally Pakistan is no stranger to such clandestine operations. The army has always been in control of such covert exercises, with or without the nod of political administrators - except when an army chief, like Musharraf, assumed power. In cases like these, the army chief is all-powerful, and Islamabad and Rawalpindi would come together despite the 15-km distance the two power bases share. The US has considered Pakistan an ally - a friend who will be of use, sometimes with a carrot, or else, with a slap on the wrist. Geographically, Pakistan shares its boundary in the west with Iran and in the north with Afghanistan. Politically, governments have mostly been financially and morally bankrupt. Thus, the country has been ductile and malleable for most deals. In fact, the revelation that the US controls Pakistani bases, like the one in Chaklala, as well as Karachi port, came in the nineties. The bases were extensively used during the Cold War, with the exercise gaining pace and intensity during the occupation of Afghanistan by the erstwhile Soviet Union. 'Doing America's Dirty Work...' Perhaps it is this history that made Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif recently admit to funding and backing terror for over three decades. In a video clip that went viral, he says, "We have been doing this dirty work for the United States for about three decades...' This history is also chronicled well in a firsthand account by a general. Brigadier Mohammad Yousaf, who headed the Afghan bureau of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) between 1983 and 1987, wrote about the operative tactics and coordination in his book The Bear Trap. The tell-all book on the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and ISI's collaboration, co-authored by Major Mark Adkin of Britain, was published in 1992. 'It was always during darkness that the aircraft arrived. Usually at around 9.00 p.m. or just before dawn, General Akhtar and I, along with the local CIA staff, would be waiting at Chaklala Air Base for the huge black C-141 Starlifter to taxi up to a secluded part of the terminal,' the authors write in a chapter. Dinners To Distract Then comes the description of how secretive each of these runs was: 'No US Embassy personnel were ever present, either at the planes' arrival or departure. In order to distract attention, it was normal practice on these occasions for the ambassador to arrange a diplomatic dinner at the embassy. Although the control tower guided the aircraft in, no Air Force personnel were involved with its reception on the ground. None of the passengers would be subjected to any form of immigration or customs formalities; even the baggage would be handled entirely by the Americans.' According to another reference, the CIA would provide specific weapons and ammunition as listed by the ISI. The former would 'purchase all the items and get them by ship to Karachi or, for a small proportion, by air to Islamabad', the book says. Thus, a 'small proportion of arms arrived by air at Rawalpindi (Chaklala Air Base)'. That Infamous Lunch Therefore, covert operations have been conducted in Pakistan for decades now. No wonder then that the current US President, Donald Trump, recently invited Pakistan's army chief and Field Marshal Asim Munir for lunch at the White House - the first such meeting between a US President and a Pakistani army boss not heading a government. It's not improbable that the menu included more than Balochistan's rich mineral deposits. The lunch had come, after all, just days before the US bombed Iran's nuclear projects with bunker buster bombs. Earlier, an Iranian official had even declared that Pakistan would launch a nuclear attack on Israel if the latter resorted to the use of such weapons. Islamabad quickly denied the Iranian claim. In fact, early last year, Pakistan and Iran exchanged strikes against each other. Both countries are involved in skirmishes, with Baloch rebels demanding an independent country. The two are involved in sporadic violence along their respective borders, with a restive Afghanistan ruled by the Taliban. Balochistan is again along the Pakistan border here. It has been seen earlier how the US is suspicious of governments in both Iran and Afghanistan. In both cases, there have been direct confrontations. Thus, Pakistan provides the ideal listening post, as well as a quick launch pad. Even though the Soviet Bear exists no more, the 'great game' continues.
AllAfrica
13-06-2025
- Politics
- AllAfrica
Secret US agenda behind India-Pakistan ceasefire
The recent revelation aired by Pakistani security analyst Imtiaz Gul renewed attention to the Nur Khan air base near Islamabad. Gul alleges that this strategically significant facility is under de facto American operational control through a covert arrangement, with US aircraft regularly landing and taking off amid limited transparency. He further claims that even senior Pakistani military officials are restricted from accessing certain operations at the base. These assertions have gained traction in the aftermath of India's Operation Sindoor, which targeted terrorist sites and strategic military infrastructure in Pakistan, including the Nur Khan air base. The incident has reignited concerns over Pakistan's sovereignty, the extent and nature of America's military presence and Islamabad's evolving strategic alignments in the region. Noor Khan air base holds immense strategic value due to its location near Islamabad and Rawalpindi—Pakistan's political and military command hubs. Situated close to the Pakistan Army's General Headquarters (GHQ) and the Strategic Plans Division, which manages the country's nuclear arsenal, the base serves as the core command for Pakistan's air mobility operations. It houses key transport squadrons, including C-130s and CN-235s, and supports VVIP and strategic airlift missions. Its significance is further underscored by the regular presence of US military aircraft, particularly C-17 Globemasters and special operations units. Reports indicate that certain sections of the base may be designated for exclusive US use, with limited access even for senior Pakistani officials. This consistent American footprint, combined with restricted oversight, lends credibility to Gul's assertion that the air base could be operating under US oversight for select classified missions. The Noor Khan air base reportedly became a flashpoint during India's precision strike in Operation Sindoor, an event that dramatically escalated tensions between New Delhi and Islamabad. Just hours before the strike, US Vice President J.D. Vance, in an interview with Fox News on May 9, 2025, publicly distanced Washington from the crisis, stating: 'We're not going to get involved in the middle of a war that's fundamentally none of our business, and has nothing to do with America's ability to control it.' However, following India's targeting of the strategically sensitive Noor Khan air base, the United States acted swiftly behind the scenes to contain the fallout. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and senior US officials activated emergency diplomatic channels aimed at defusing the crisis. However, the ceasefire that eventually took hold occurred only after Pakistan's Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) directly contacted his Indian counterpart, prompting a mutual agreement to halt further escalation. This sequence of events, marked by Washington's initial public detachment and subsequent quiet intervention, likely underscores the concealed strategic importance the US attaches to military assets like Noor Khan air base. Pakistan's readiness to grant the United States access to its military bases is deeply rooted in a decades-long tradition of strategic cooperation. During the Cold War, Pakistan permitted the US to conduct U-2 reconnaissance missions from Peshawar's Badaber Airbase in 1958. This partnership deepened significantly during the War on Terror, when critical facilities—such as Shamsi, Shahbaz, Dalbandin, and Nur Khan air base—were used by US forces for drone strikes, intelligence gathering and logistical operations in Afghanistan. While less overt today, this military collaboration continues in more discreet and sophisticated forms. A strong indicator of sustained US strategic engagement is the consistent flow of financial and multilateral support to Pakistan—even during times of heightened geopolitical tension. In May 2025, amid escalating conflict with India following Operation Sindoor, Pakistan secured a crucial US$1 billion disbursement from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under its $7 billion Extended Fund Facility. The release, widely believed to have been facilitated by US influence, was met with disapproval in India due to its timing during active hostilities, reinforcing the perception in New Delhi about Washington's long-standing geostrategic interests in Pakistan. Since 1958, Pakistan has received 24 IMF loan packages totaling around $34 billion, including a $1.3 billion tranche earlier in March 2025. At the same time, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) approved an $800 million assistance package—comprising a $300 million program-based loan and a $500 million policy-based loan. This support came in addition to previous climate resilience financing, including a $500 million CDREP loan. Despite Indian concerns about potential military diversion of the funds, these disbursements proceeded, signaling strong external backing. Furthermore, continuous US support for the maintenance and upgrade of Pakistan's F-16 fighter fleet continues to reflect a long-standing defense partnership between Rawalpindi and the Pentagon. Despite its withdrawal from Afghanistan, the US continues to view Pakistan as a vital component of its broader regional strategy. Facilities like Noor Khan air base—and possibly others—are believed to serve as forward-operating locations for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) missions. These bases may also be positioned for potential pre-emptive strikes targeting Iranian nuclear sites or remnants of transnational terrorist groups such as the Islamic State–Khorasan Province (ISKP). Another key driver of US engagement is the strategic aim of preventing Pakistan from falling fully into China's orbit. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative, includes major infrastructure investments—such as highways, ports, and energy facilities—many of which have potential dual-use military applications. It is likely that US ISR capabilities are actively monitoring these developments from strategic locations such as Noor Khan air base. China's strategic partnership with Pakistan—embodied by flagship initiatives like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the prospective transfer of advanced platforms such as the J-35 fifth-generation stealth fighter jets—is driven primarily by Beijing's desire to counterbalance India's growing influence in South Asia. Chinese diplomatic and military support is not anchored in Pakistan's intrinsic value but in its instrumental role as a strategic bulwark against India. Yet, Beijing must tread carefully. The Pakistani military establishment has a well-documented history of hedging and duplicity in its external alignments. During the War on Terror, Pakistan secured billions in US assistance while simultaneously harboring elements of the Taliban and Haqqani terror network. Today, the same military apparatus may be covertly cooperating with US strategic objectives—potentially to the detriment of Chinese interests. For Beijing, these developments underscore the need to recognize the transactional instincts of Pakistan's military elite, who are adept at balancing rival patrons in pursuit of regime security and institutional gains. Even China's great strategist, Sun Tzu, might have cautioned against overreliance on such a volatile ally The continued US support for Pakistan—evident in sustained financial aid, favorable IMF policies and recent symbolic gestures such as inviting Pakistan's Army chief General Asim Munir to the 250th US Army Day celebrations in Washington—reinforces the perception of the long-standing transactional defense ties between Rawalpindi and the Pentagon. This support from the US strategic establishment remains strong despite Islamabad's role in fostering regional instability. Notably, Pakistan's 2025–26 federal budget included a nearly 20% increase in defense spending, raising the allocation to approximately 2.55 trillion rupees (~$9 billion), even as overall public expenditure was reduced by 7%. Analysts argue that such a move would not have been possible without continued external backing—particularly from the US—through financial assistance and favorable multilateral mechanisms, including IMF disbursements. For China, the lesson is clear: its strategic investment in Pakistan is conditional and instrumental. The possibility of betrayal exists, especially when dealing with a military establishment that has historically prioritized survival and advantage over ideological loyalty. The Noor Khan air base, in this context, is not just a military asset—it is a symbol of Pakistan's enduring relevance to US strategy and a warning sign for Beijing. Idress Aftab is a research analyst at the New Delhi-based Centre for Foreign Policy Research.
Economic Times
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
Client services for client state: Trump's reset with Pak is marked by a transactional, short-horizon foreign policy
US anxiety seems to centre around India's destruction of Pakistan's Nur Khan airbase. According to Imtiaz Gul, it's 'under American control'. Our forefathers believed that we were different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life. Our religion is different. Our customs are different. Our traditions are different. Our thoughts are different. Our ambitions are different.… That was the foundation of the Two-Nation Theory. It was laid on the belief that we are two nations, not one.' That was Pakistan Army chief Gen — now Field Marshal — Asim Munir speaking at the Convention for Overseas Pakistanis in Islamabad on April 17. Less than a week later in Pahalgam, Pakistani terrorists killed 1 Christian and 24 Hindu tourists, as well as a local Muslim who resisted the assailants, after the killers established their victims' religious identities. A link between Munir's rant and the Pahalgam massacre is a possibility. But the rage in India in response to the attack went far beyond what Pakistan had expected. Perhaps it had assessed that India would do what it had done after the 2016 Uri attack when 18 Indian soldiers were killed. Or, in response to the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing, which killed 41 Indian paramilitary soldiers. On both earlier occasions, India had reacted with one-off counterattacks in POK and Balakot. Rawalpindi probably expected a similar reaction post-Pahalgam. This time, the storyline changed. India's counter, launched on May 7, forced the Pakistani DGMO to speak to his Indian counterpart on May 10, and seek a ceasefire. The world is now aware of what transpired between May 7 and 10, although many would not want to talk about it. Suppliers of military equipment to Pakistan — the US, China, and Turkey — will probably be reevaluating their equipment that succumbed to Indian, Russian and French equipment. Inevitably, the Americans got into the act, mostly to save their major non-Nato ally. The resounding success of the Indian response had taken them aback. One wondered about the urgency of Trump's self-described 'intervention' to stop matters escalating on the India-Pak front when the Ukraine war and IsraelHamas conflict — or even the Houthi battles in Yemen — have been allowed to last for years. Indian denials about US intervention have been ignored by the Americans. The Pakistanis, of course, eagerly accepted this rescue. US anxiety seems to centre around India's destruction of Pakistan's Nur Khan airbase. Remember, according to Pakistani journalist and security expert Imtiaz Gul, the base is 'under American control', where even senior Pakistan Army officers are not allowed to has been extremely useful to the US. Its defence minister Khawaja Asif asserted that they had been fighting America's dirty wars for 30-odd years. From a strategic perspective, it's well-known that the US has been helping Pakistan to keep India 'occupied', while they get a geographic toehold near Iran and China. Both China and the US would like to have total control over Pakistan, to have a base looking at their interests to the east and economic rise, its decisions to choose its sourcing and look after its own interests, cause concern to the US. India tends to get under its skin, as its commerce secretary Howard Lutnick grumbled recently. Which is why the restart of the old game of hyphenating India and Pakistan, ignoring Indian sensitivities, while propping up these decisions may have been made earlier, announcements of $1 bn to Pakistan by IMF, $40 bn by World Bank, and another $800 mn during Operation Sindoor were bad optics. The latest signallings include inviting Munir to attend the 250th US Army Day celebrations in Washington on June 14 — which also happens to be Trump's 79th birthday. Undoubtedly, Munir will meet officials from the State Department and Pentagon, and get promises for military Central Command commander Michael E Kurilla, testifying before the House Armed Services Committee in Washington earlier this week, described Pakistan as a 'phenomenal partner' in anti-terrorism operations. He emphasised the need for the US to maintain relationships with both India and Pakistan, stating that he didn't 'believe it is a binary switch that we can't have one with Pakistan if we have a relationship with India'. In that case, the US shouldn't have a problem with India's relations with Russia and the a matter of conjecture if this US-Pak partnership is about Iran, Central Asia or even India. Pakistan is looking at buying 40 more Chinese J-35A stealth fighter aircraft, a rival of the US F-35, with a listed price of $9 bn, but on offer at 50% the value. This will mean that 80% of Pakistan's military purchases will be from China. Pakistan's debt to China, including CPEC, already amounts to nearly $70 April 26, World Liberty Financial (WLF) agreed to help build Pakistan's blockchain infrastructure, promote stablecoin-based remittances, and tokenise real-world assets. The agreement seeks to position Pakistan as a crypto-forward nation. Eric Trump, the president's son, is associated with WLF, whose executives met Pakistani PM Shehbaz Sharif as well as Munir. Enough such conditions, India should be prepared for Pahalgam-style attacks in the future, while expecting no assistance from China, and ambivalence from the US. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of Elevate your knowledge and leadership skills at a cost cheaper than your daily tea. How a nudge from Cyrus Mistry helped TCS unlock a USD1 billion opportunity Explainer: The RBI's LAF corridor and its role in rate transmission Is Zomato under siege? 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News18
09-06-2025
- Politics
- News18
India's Strikes Hit Nur Khan Airbase Tied To Nuke Sites, Pakistan Insiders Confirm Damage
Last Updated: Nur Khan Airbase is widely regarded as a multipurpose backbone of the Pakistan Air Force Pakistan's Nur Khan Airbase, which is considered a critical node in its military infrastructure, sustained significant damage in India's precision strike during Operation Sindoor, satellite images have confirmed. Nur Khan Airbase, located just 25 km from Islamabad and adjacent to Pakistan Army Headquarters and its nuclear command facilities, is widely regarded as a multipurpose backbone of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF). It houses elite VIP transport fleets, mobile command centres, surveillance aircraft, and Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones. Crucially, the base is suspected to be linked to Pakistan's nuclear oversight and mobility networks. Intelligence sources confirm that Indian strikes targeted key infrastructure including runways, radar stations, hangars, and underground fortified zones. Satellite imagery revealed the destruction of a 7,000 sq ft operations complex and command vehicles, as well as crater impacts near areas believed to store sensitive or nuclear-linked assets. Pak Security Analyst's Big Expose Pakistani security analyst Imtiaz Gul, in a video statement, alleged that the airbase functions effectively as an 'American fortress," off-limits even to Pakistan Army personnel. He cited repeated sightings of US aircraft, undisclosed cargo, and restricted access to Pakistan Army officers. 'There are hidden agreements between the US and Pakistan Army since 2001," Gul alleged, linking the base to Afghan war logistics and past drone operations. His statement aligns with CNN-News18 's prior report that Pakistan is deliberately avoiding debris clearance at the base, fearing it would confirm the extent of the damage to both India and the global community. Sources say orders were issued to delay cleanup efforts to obscure satellite-based assessments of the strike's impact. The Pakistan Army has attempted to downplay the damage. But intelligence agencies, backed by high-resolution satellite imagery, confirm that around 20% of Pakistan's air force operational infrastructure may have been degraded in the strike. Mobile command centres, surveillance systems like the Saab Erieye AWACS, and other critical assets were severely compromised. Further complicating the situation is the base's proximity to Pakistan's nuclear assets. Sources suggest that debris near these sensitive areas has not been cleared out of both logistical constraints and deep strategic insecurity—any exposure could inadvertently validate long-held suspicions about US and Pakistani collaboration on covert nuclear logistics. India's ability to strike such a fortified and symbolically significant site sends a strong message, not just about its long-range strike capabilities but also about the gaps in Pakistan's air defence system. Top officials note that the attack bypassed ballistic missile interception systems and directly targeted high-value strategic infrastructure. Pakistan's continued silence and reluctance to share ground-level visuals from Nur Khan only adds to the perception of a major military and political embarrassment. 'This is not just material damage, it is a psychological blow to the core of Pakistan's defence establishment," a senior intelligence officer told CNN-News18. First Published: June 09, 2025, 18:59 IST
Time of India
06-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Who really owns Pakistan's Nur Khan airbase? Defence analyst sets off controversy; alleges US control
A shocking claim by a Pakistani security expert has raised alarms about the relationship between the US and Pakistan and the extent of their military cooperation. Imtiaz Gul, a defence analyst, alleged that the strategically important Nur Khan airbase in Rawalpindi is 'under American control.' These remarks come just days after India targeted multiple airbases in Pakistan, during a precision strike, responding to the Pahalgam terror attack. In a widely shared video, Gul said that even senior Pakistan army officers are not allowed to interfere in the operations at the strategically important airbase. American airplanes at the site He said that many times American aircrafts could be seen at the base, though no one is aware of what may be inside or any information about their operations or cargo. The two nations might be having an undisclosed agreement triggering concerns over the country's military transparency, Gul suggested, quoted by ET. Why is the Nur Khan base important? This airbase, in particular, is crucial for Pakistan, as it is located near Islamabad and Rawalpindi. These twin cities are home to the Pakistan army's general headquarters and the strategic plans division, which oversees the country's nuclear arsenal. The base is considered a central hub for Pakistan's military air transport and air mobility command. India's strike at Nur During Operation Sindoor, a retaliatory mission in response to the Pahalgam terror attack, India reportedly targeted the Nur Khan airbase. The Operation reportedly left the airbase damaged, which further raised concerns over its regional security. Despite the growing uproar, Pakistan's military and government have remained tight-lipped. There has been no official denial or confirmation of Gul's claims, fuelling speculation about covert military arrangements between Islamabad and Washington. The situation has left many in Pakistan questioning who really controls one of the country's most critical airbases and what it means for national security.
