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News18
30-06-2025
- Politics
- News18
Sangh Roots, Regional Pull: Why BJP Chose PVN Madhav As New Andhra Unit Chief
Last Updated: PVN Madhav succeeds D Purandeshwari -- a prominent figure from the renowned NTR family -- and his elevation marks a shift as it follows the BJP's improvement in the 2024 elections The appointment of PVN Madhav as the new Andhra Pradesh BJP president has not surprised many within the state unit. His selection reflects the party's strategic considerations and its growing confidence in a state where the BJP has historically had limited influence. Madhav is a candidate who meets multiple criteria — organisational loyalty, Sangh roots, regional representation, and community appeal. The BJP, as it continues to build its base in the largely unexplored political terrain of southern India, has recognised the need for this kind of a leadership in Andhra Pradesh. Madhav succeeds D Purandeshwari — a prominent figure from the renowned NTR family — and his elevation marks a significant shift as it follows the BJP's improvement in the 2024 assembly elections. From a vote share of less than 1 per cent in 2019 — lower than NOTA –the party has made tangible gains in both assembly and Lok Sabha segments. This decision aligns with a discernible trend in post-bifurcation Andhra politics. Over the past decade, the party has appointed four state presidents—two from the Kamma community and two from the Kapu community; two with strong RSS backgrounds and two who previously belonged to the Congress. Madhav, a member of the BC community and a long-time Sangh affiliate, fits the BJP's current requirements both socially and ideologically. A cost accountant by profession, PVN Madhav has deep roots in the Sangh Parivar, having been active in the ABVP and BJYM since his early years. The son of BJP veteran and former MLC P.V. Chalapathi Rao, Madhav also served as a Member of the Legislative Council (MLC) from the North Andhra Graduates' Constituency during the previous NDA government led by the TDP. He currently holds the position of State General Secretary in the party. In Andhra's caste-driven political landscape—dominated by the Kammas in the TDP and the Kapus in Jana Sena—the BJP sees an opportunity to tap into the significant BC vote bank, where Madhav could prove to be an effective mobiliser. The central leadership's selection process has been particularly meticulous, especially with the election of a new national president on the horizon—overdue for nearly two and a half years. Feedback from the grassroots in Andhra Pradesh has indicated a strong preference for leaders with ideological commitment to the BJP-RSS ecosystem, rather than those who switch sides around election time. Unlike neighbouring Telangana—where the BJP has had a longer presence and a wider pool of contenders—Andhra Pradesh offered relatively limited options for leadership selection. Over the years, several leaders within the BJP in Andhra have migrated from the TDP, while many of the original BJP loyalists have either taken on key roles within the state or been accommodated at the Centre. For instance, Satya Kumar currently serves as the state's Health Minister, while Bhupathiraju Srinivasa Varma has been inducted into Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Union Cabinet. The recent Lok Sabha polls validated BJP's emerging foothold, with the party winning all three seats it contested. In the Assembly polls, BJP secured 8 out of the 10 seats it contested—an impressive feat given that its ally, the Chandrababu Naidu-led TDP, won 135 of the 144 seats it fought. As the BJP prepares for future electoral battles, both in the state and at the national level, PVN Madhav's appointment signals a calculated, ideology-driven push to deepen the party's roots in Andhra Pradesh. First Published: June 30, 2025, 23:55 IST
Hans India
27-06-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Scores of Cong netas jockey for Jubilee Hills ticket
Hyderabad: Scores of Congress leaders are vying for contesting the Jubilee Hills bypolls, even as AICC is mulling for best bet this time to save face in the State capital. Disregarding the guidelines of AICC in-charge Meenakshi Natarajan over speculating the candidate's name, many top aspirants continue to lobby for the coveted Assembly constituency. According to sources, beginning from the recent contestant Mohammad Azharuddin, former Mayor Bonthu Rammohan, TMREIS chairman Md Faheemuddin Qureshi, former PCC working president Jetti Kusum Kumar, V Naveen Yadav (had contested from AIMIM in 2014), C Rohin Reddy (contested recently from Amberpet), scores of others are eyeing the ticket. Azharuddin, who recently attended the PAC (Political Affairs Committee) meeting has made his intentions clear that he was willing to contest once again from the Jubilee Hills constituency, despite losing in 2023 Assembly polls. Bonthu Rammohan, who maintained low profile until recent days, following his failure to get Secunderabad MP ticket, is once again trying to come in the limelight and claims to have grip on the constituents. His wife Sridevi, the Cherlapally division corporator, is said to have a good support base in the constituency. Coming from Kamma caste, Kusum Kumar has earlier tried his best to get MLC position. His candidature was also backed by former MLC T Jagga Reddy, citing need for proper representation for Kammas. While Md Faheemuddin, Rohin Reddy is considered to be part of the Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy's inner circle. While Faheem is trying to get a ticket citing minority votes in the constituency, Rohin Reddy who lost in Amberpet in 2023, is staking claim by citing his position as a local leader. However, PCC president B Mahesh Kumar Goud has made it clear that the name of the candidate will be finalised only after the AICC completes its survey and bets on the winning candidate. With scores of candidates vying for the ticket, the issue has turned out to be a hassle for the Pradesh Congress Committee.
The Hindu
08-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Using religion for political gains
For the last four decades, political narratives in Andhra Pradesh have always hinged on caste equations. Even if we look at the composition of the current National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the two major parties — the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the Jana Sena Party (JSP) — are largely represented by two major castes in Andhra Pradesh — the Kammas and the Kapus. Similarly, the Congress and YSR Congress Party are dominated by the Reddy community. This was not always the case. Before the 1980s, the key players in Andhra Pradesh were the Congress and Left parties, and their narratives were largely based on social issues. Though there were underlying currents of caste-based politics, these did not surface often. The narrative of caste-based politics started with the entry of N.T. Rama Rao into politics in 1982. Rao, the founder of the TDP, advocated for Telugu pride, yet his party was often termed a 'Kamma party'. Ever since the composite State of Andhra Pradesh was bifurcated in 2014, and Telangana was formed, the politics in the residual State of Andhra Pradesh has changed and has assumed religious overtones. While this was noticeable during the previous YSRCP government headed by Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, it has become all the more evident during the current NDA regime, which came to power in 2024. Political narratives have been based largely on a number of issues revolving around places of worship and have caused quite a stir in the State. The most prominent of these is the controversy surrounding the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam (TTD). It broke out in September 2024 when Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu alleged that the laddu prasadam was being made with adulterated ghee containing animal fat. He claimed that the contract for the supply of sub-standard ghee had been given to a firm by the earlier YSRCP government. The accusation caused political and religious outrage across the country. Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, who is the JSP chief, claimed that adding adulterated ghee was a concerted move to attack Sanatana Dharma. The parties and allies of the NDA left no stone unturned in attacking Mr. Jagan Reddy and his party. They went to the extent of saying that the practice of hiring staff from other faiths had led to 'sacrilege' of the TTD. A Special Investigation Team was constituted to probe this matter and the issue finally reached the Supreme Court. When the controversy died down after a couple of months, Mr. Reddy turned the tables on the NDA following a stampede at the Vaikunta Ekadasi festival at the TTD temple in Tirupati. The incident, which took place on January 8, claimed six lives. Mr. Jagan Reddy and his party alleged negligence, and held the NDA responsible for it. Before this incident too could die down, TTD's former chairman, former MLA Bhumana Karunakar Reddy, alleged that over 170 cows had died in a month at the devasthanams goshala (cow shed) and said that funds for the goshala were being misused by the present TTD board and officials. This led to tense moments in the temple town. Both the YSRCP and the NDA locked horns over the issue. All the political parties in the State, including the Left parties, took turns to add to the discourse. The issue reached a feverish pitch and dominated the political narrative in the State. However, this is not the case only with the present NDA regime although it seems more prominent now. The desecration of Lord Rama's idol at the 12th century Ramatheertham yemple in Vizianagaram district in December 2020 gained considerable political traction. The YSRCP was in power then. All the Opposition parties, including the TDP, the JSP, and the BJP, raised their pitch and made this an election issue in the 2024 general elections. In the same year, a century-old wooden chariot of the Lakshmi Narasimha Swamy temple, located in Sakhinetipalli Mandal in East Godavari district, was set on fire by miscreants. The Opposition parties alleged that people from other faiths had set fire to the chariot. The suspect in the case, who hails from a minority community, was killed in a road accident. Senior politicians and political analysts say that this appears to be a new trend in the State. With religious issues taking centre stage, core issues are taking a backseat. sumit.b@
Indian Express
03-06-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
Caste, dynasty and state capital: Three factors that have shaped Andhra Pradesh politics
In Andhra Pradesh, three factors have shaped the contours of contemporary politics: the Capitalist economy, dynastic politics and the question of the state capital. These factors influenced the dominant castes' role in politics and the formation of political parties. Broadly, there are three phases in the political process of Andhra Pradesh: One, the consolidation of the Telugu identity from the early 20th century, resulting in separation from the Madras state in 1953; two, the phase of dominant caste politics from the 1950s right until the bifurcation of the composite state into Telangana and residual AP in 2014; three, the rise of dynastic politics from 2014. In the last phase, political power in the state has been in the hands of three families. The growing phenomenon of dynastic politics needs to be explained in the historical context of the political economy. The building of irrigation infrastructure from the late 19th century onwards by the colonial rulers in coastal Andhra, like the Dhavaleswaram project across the Godavari, and the Nagarjuna Sagar and Srisailam dams across the Krishna after Independence, turned drought-prone areas into rice bowls. Subsequently, the Green Revolution contributed immensely towards the rise of rich capitalist farmers from dominant castes such as Kamma, Kapu, Rajus and Reddys. With the spread of Western education during the colonial period, the educated Brahmin community took the lead in creating awareness about the importance of nationalism and the Telugu regional identity. The Andhra Mahasabha came into existence in 1930 to advocate for the rights of the Telugus in the Madras state. In 1937, the Sri Bagh pact was signed with the feudal lords of Rayalaseema, which was more backward compared to the prosperous coastal region. Over time, the linguistic movement intensified, and the prominent Gandhian Potti Sriramulu went on a fast unto death to carve Andhra out from the multilingual Madras state. Andhra State was created in 1953, and the Reddy community prevailed upon Jawaharlal Nehru to make Kurnool in Rayalaseema the state capital. However, the move was opposed by N G Ranga, a veteran freedom fighter-cum-Congress leader from the Kamma caste of Guntur district. He demanded that Vijayawada be made the capital of Andhra. By 1956, political conditions favoured the creation of Vishalandhra by merging the Telugu-speaking parts of Hyderabad State (Telangana) through the Gentleman's Agreement. Initially, the electoral fray saw a Congress vs Communists contest, both controlled by the Reddys and Kammas. In fact, from 1956-1983 until the emergence of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Congress was in power. After matinee idol NT Rama Rao floated the TDP, Congress was defeated for the first time in composite AP, and from the 1980s onwards, the state swung between Congress and TDP. From 1956 to 2014, Reddys, who formed 6.5 per cent of the population, held 27 per cent of the political representation and the Kammas, who were 4.5 per cent of the population, held 13 per cent of the political representation. For more than 30 years, the chief minister's position was captured by the Reddys and more than 20 years by Kammas and the rest of the period by the Brahmins, Vaishyas, Velamas and a Dalit. As a result of the dominant and upper-caste rule of more than five decades, the regional fragmentation was aggravated by the bifurcation of the state, while class and caste politics were suppressed. Elections became costly affairs, with a social deficit of representation created due to the disproportionate representation of the landed dominant castes in political power and the conversion of Hyderabad into a centre of global capital at the cost of opportunities for the local population. With the bifurcation of AP, the TDP and Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) have emerged as the contenders for political domination in the residual state, with both dominated, in turn, by the dynasty. In 1995, TDP was captured by NTR's son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu, who has been the party president for the last three decades and is now promoting his son Lokesh as the future of the party. YS Jagan Mohan Reddy (Jagan) is the son of the former chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy, who died in a helicopter accident in 2009. When the Congress party refused to make him the chief minister, he floated the YSRCP in 2011. The party contested in the 2014 election to encash YSR's political legacy, but that only resulted in opposition status. The TDP, as a ruling party from 2014 to 2019 and 2024 onwards, has been concentrating on building a highly centralised capital at Amaravati, which is located in the green belt of coastal Andhra, with 34,000 acres of land already acquired. When it was in power from 2019 to 2024, the YSRCP proposed three capitals at Amaravati, Visakhapatnam and Kurnool. However, Jagan's proposal failed in the 2024 election, and Naidu's plan to build a global city is back in full swing. Thanks to TDP joining the NDA coalition, Amaravati is getting support from the centre. Therefore, the entire exercise of global capital has been characterised by Carol Upadhya as the 'reterritorialisation of the deterritorialised Kamma caste' in the form of building a world-class capital. The writer teaches in the department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad
Indian Express
03-05-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
Making of Andhra Pradesh's capital Amaravati: As PM Modi ‘relaunches' mega TDP project, where do things stand now?
Like a child's Lego set, Amaravati is a shiny city waiting to be put together, its many interlocked parts holding the promise of a brand new Capital city for Andhra Pradesh. So far, much of it remains on paper, on the blueprint in the office of the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development Authority (APCRDA), on the maps with colourful legends that are stuck on to most shopfronts, in the posters with beaming photographs of Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu, and his son and minister Nara Lokesh. Nine years after it was first conceived, across the 953 villages that make up the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region, vast tracts of farmland are gradually making way for stubs of upcoming buildings. Last week, state minister P Narayana said Amaravati was finally ready for a 'relaunch' with Prime Minister Narendra Modi attending the event on May 2. The choice of Amaravati wasn't entirely incidental as the region is a stronghold of the Kammas, the community that the TDP is identified with and to which Naidu himself belongs. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) Two weeks ago, Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu was exuberant as he addressed a high-level committee on Amaravati at his residence in Undavalli, one of the villages that will be part of the Capital city. 'This is Andhra Pradesh, and Amaravati is the Capital of Andhra Pradesh,' he declared. Speaking from his office in Vijayawada, K Kannababu, who, as commissioner of the APCRDA, is leading the Capital project for the government, is optimistic. 'APCRDA is reviving the Amaravati Capital Region Socio-Economic Masterplan and creating an overall economic development strategy with a time-bound action plan for the Capital city and the region,' he says, adding, 'We are all working towards building a new Capital which is accessible to all from the state.' The larger plan, according to a top source in the government, is that by 2047, Amaravati will join Singapore, Shanghai, New York and London as one of the 'premier global cities'. Amaravati: a city rises The need for a new Capital The upcoming city gets its name from Amaravati, a village in Guntur district that's one of the several covered under the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region. The village is around 23 km from Uddandarayunipalem, where the foundation stone of the new city was laid in October, 2015. Part of the Guntur revenue division, the region is known to have served as the Capital of the Satavahana Kingdom whose reign lasted from the mid-1st Century to the early 3rd Century AD. The site of the Sri Amaralingeswara Swamy temple, the region is also a Buddhist site and 'the Amaravati Mahachaitya stupa was built here between the 2nd century BCE and the 3rd century CE', according to the website of the Amaravati Development Corporation. The TDP which came to power in Andhra Pradesh the same year then imagined a 'people's Capital' — a city with land contributions from people of the surrounding villages. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) The Capital project began in 2014, when Telangana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh and Hyderabad was made the joint Capital of the two states for the next 10 years, after which Andhra had to move its Capital to a new city. The TDP which came to power in Andhra Pradesh the same year then imagined a 'people's Capital' — a city with land contributions from people of the surrounding villages. Ignoring calls for redeveloping existing cities such as Vijayawada or Chittoor as the state's Capital, Naidu announced a greenfield city on the right banks of the Krishna and christened it Amaravati as a nod to the state's Buddhist links. The choice of Amaravati wasn't entirely incidental as the region is a stronghold of the Kammas, the community that the TDP is identified with and to which Naidu himself belongs — which explains the YSR Congress Party and its chief Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy 's opposition to the Amaravati project. Work in the city came to a grinding halt when Naidu lost power to Jagan Mohan Reddy in 2019. Reddy proposed three Capitals — Amaravati as the legislative Capital, Kurnool as the judicial Capital and Visakhapatnam as the administrative Capital — to keep government funding from being concentrated in the Kamma heartland. The nerve centre of this plan is the grand, six-storeyed APCRDA building which is coming up in the Capital region, off the arterial SEED (Strategic Economic Employment Driven Zone) Access Road. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) This plan, however, met with legal hurdles as the Andhra Pradesh High Court declared in March 2022 that Amaravati alone should be the Capital. Reddy's government challenged the order in the Supreme Court, but got no respite. With its status in limbo, Amaravati turned into a ghost city as the farmers who had given up their land parcels during Naidu's term accused the government of betrayal. In 2024, when Naidu's TDP returned to power, Amaravati was once again catapulted into the thick of things. Since then, the Masterplan has been dusted off and new pamphlets have been printed and distributed. Inside Amaravati The government has notified 8,603.32 sq km, spread across Guntur and Krishna districts, as the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region. Of this, while the core city of Amaravati — which will include the Assembly and the Secretariat — is spread over 6.84 sq km, the larger Capital region, with its residential and commercial spaces, will be spread across 953 villages, 12 urban local bodies and 26 mandals in Guntur and 30 mandals in Krishna districts. The Capital falls in Guntur district and covers 24 revenue villages. The estimated budget for the development of Amaravati was pegged at Rs 64,910 crore in 2024, with the Government of India committing to Rs 15,000 crore of that amount. The Centre has also facilitated support for Amaravati from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to the tune of 800 million USD each, according to government estimates. The core city of Amaravati — which will include the Assembly and the Secretariat — is spread over 6.84 sq km. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) The state government hopes Amaravati will be an 'economic hub' for the region by 2050 — creating 1.5 million jobs, housing a population of 3.5 million and generating a GDP of USD 35 billion. Carrying the weight of this projection is Nagarjuna Construction Company (NCC), the Hyderabad-based construction firm that has been tasked with building the Capital. 'It is really a well-planned city with a well-thought out plan and well-done design. Each place has a purpose, a designated reason to be there,' says NCC director Alluri Narayana Raju. The nerve centre of this plan is the grand, six-storeyed APCRDA building which is coming up in the Capital region, off the arterial SEED (Strategic Economic Employment Driven Zone) Access Road. It's from the APCRDA building that the Capital project will be coordinated over the next 25 years. Though work is far from complete, for now, this is one of the few buildings that have risen off the ground and is expected to be complete within six months. Workers and their supervisors in hard hats mill around the place, shouting instructions over the constant drone of heavy machines. Officials say around 3,500 workers are currently working in Amaravati — many of them migrants from across the state and from neighbouring Telangana and Odisha – a number that's projected to go up to 11,000 once work starts and reach 35,000 once all the contracts are given out. Sheik Ashraf, a site engineer at the APCRDA building, is from Vijayawada. 'I am happy to be part of something so important. I have been working here since the past two months,' he says. Among the workers he is supervising is Urmila, who moved from Pathapatnam, a town bordering Odisha, to Amaravati with her husband. 'We get paid about three times more than in Odisha. So, we shifted to the construction camp here,' she says. NCC officials say the city is being designed in such a way that its core will be supported by sub-cities or columns that radiate out of the central spine. According to the plan, the city will have an administrative hub, housing government buildings such as the Secretariat, Assembly and the High Court, among others. Currently, spread across different villages, there are temporary structures for each of these buildings that will be brought down once the new buildings come up. Every weekday morning, government employees, judges, lawyers and legislators drive down from Hyderabad, Vijayawada and nearby cities and towns and return at sundown. Naidu, however, has set up a base in Undavalli village, signalling his intent about the Capital project. Many of the upcoming government buildings are expected to be ready in 18 months, including the quarters for MLAs and MLCs, ministers and judges. The new Legislative Assembly building and the High Court are expected to be ready to move in within two years, officials say. The Secretariat, they say, will come up in three years. The Masterplan also has provisions for a 'justice city', which will be a legal and arbitration centre, housing the High Court and residences for judges, among other buildings. There will also be a 'finance city' with buildings that will serve as the base for banking, fintech and financial services firms. There are other sub-cities in the works — a 'health city' that will have hospitals, medical research centres and pharmaceutical industries; a sports city with state-of-the-art infrastructure and training facilities; an 'electronics city' with IT and electronics manufacturing; a 'media city' with film, entertainment and digital media; and a 'tourism city' to showcase Amaravati's hospitality and cultural heritage. Currently, spread across different villages, there are temporary structures for each of these buildings that will be brought down once the new buildings come up. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) 'The division of the Capital city into different hubs is a unique model, as it has not been planned as such and developed anywhere else,' says NCC's Raju. On May 2, PM Modi laid the foundation for 83 projects in the Capital, including the Assembly and High Court buildings and the Rs 1,459-cr DRDO missile testing centre at Nagayalanka, inaugurated eight National Highway projects, and dedicated three railway projects in Amaravati. One of the few details in the Masterplan that have come to life is the 'knowledge city' with its higher educational institutions and research and innovation centres. A few institutions such as Vellore Institute of Technology, SRM University and Amrita University have already set up their residential campuses, accommodating around 8,000 students from across the state and beyond. Other institutions are expected to come up soon — while the AIIMS building at Mangalagiri is under construction, the city hopes to have campuses of BITS-Pilani and XLRI soon. 'We came here because we want to be centrally located in a Capital city. So far, our students have been enjoying the study and stay,' says the top official of one of the educational institutions, speaking on condition of anonymity. In Amaravati, fears, hope On either side of the SEED access road are villages in Guntur and Krishna districts that are stakeholders in the Capital project by way of a unique land pooling exercise. Under the Land Pooling Scheme (LPS), the government takes over land from farmers in exchange for 'high-value' residential and commercial plots in the Capital region. Under the pooling plan, farmers get 1,000 sq yards of residential plots and 250 sq yards of commercial land in the city of Amaravati in exchange for an acre of agricultural land. Records from 2019 show that 28,181 landowners in 25 villages contributed 35,215 acres of their private farmland for developing the Capital city and government has already allotted over 62,595 such plots to the farmers. The villagers are worried and restless that the development of the city hasn't kept pace with their hopes. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) But now, nearly a decade after some of them gave up their land for the Capital, the villagers are worried and restless that the development of the city hasn't kept pace with their hopes. The uncertainty of the last few years — the legal battles and the YSRCP's resistance to the Amaravati idea — coupled with the government's announcement that more land will be pooled for the development of the city and a new airport have only added to their concerns. At Mandadam village, where 3,600 farmers have pooled 3,500 acres over the last decade, 65-year-old farmer B Hanumanth Rao is worried. 'The land we gave then has not yet been developed. Why would the government want to pool more land now?' Rao asks anxiously. A few kilometres from Mandadam is Thullur, a village of wealthy Kamma landowners from where the land pooling started in 2015. When in 2019 Jagan Mohan Reddy came to power, it was Thullur that was the epicentre of the protests demanding reinstatement of Amaravati as the sole Capital region. At Srilakshmi Ganapati Real Estates in Thullur, one of the many such across villages in the Capital region, all of them displaying a CRDA map of Amaravati, an agent says, 'The prices are currently anywhere between Rs 50,000 and Rs 70,000 per sq yard in the Capital region. While the prices are high, there is very little appreciation because people are worried there won't be any development for the next 10 to 20 years.' At Mandadam village, a housing complex for the poor is ready. (Express photo by Nikhila Henry) According to the government's estimate, land prices per sq yard are anywhere between Rs 22,000 and Rs 44,000 as against Rs 10,000 to Rs 12,000 before the Capital came up. Since 2019, Thullur farmers have been holding regular Joint Action Committee (JAC) meetings to help each other with land deals and to update themselves of the latest on Amaravati. In the midst of one such JAC meeting being held at a community hall in Thullur town, farmer J Shyamkishore angrily says, 'When the bureaucrats first came to pool our land, we were sitting on chairs and they were on their feet, worried whether we would be ready to give up our land. Now they have our land and are sitting in their cushy chairs and instructing farmers to do their bidding.' M Prasad Rao, a farmer who gave up his 10 acres in Thullur in return for prime residential and commercial property near the upcoming High Court complex, says, 'I had given the plots to three of my daughters in dowry. Now when they are trying to sell the property, there are no buyers — property prices are not rising because development hasn't happened as planned.' But he is optimistic. 'I am happy there is a lot of interest in Amaravati these days. When we started landpooling, it was a gamble. But we trust the government and hope that the city we built will reap good dividends in the future. It's for our children that we are building this city.' Many of them look at Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the Capital on May 2 with hope. Hours after the PM made a string of announcements, farmer A Ganesh Prasad says, 'Modiji has brought some good tidings with him. He made some big announcements which will help us.'
