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New Indian Express
8 hours ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
At House panel meeting, MPs flag Bangladesh's growing ties with Pak and China
NEW DELHI: A meeting of the Parliamentary standing committee on External Affairs on Friday saw discussion on Bangladesh's growing proximity with Pakistan and China, and implications of India's strained ties with its eastern neighbour amid suggestions by some experts on engagement with the country, according to sources. Former foreign secretary and ex-National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon, Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh Riva Ganguly Das and academician Amitabh Mattoo attended the meeting. The committee recorded evidence of the experts/non-official witnesses in connection with the examination of the subject 'Future of India-Bangladesh Relationship'. The panel is headed by Congress MP Shashi Tharoor. Some MPs expressed concern that China is getting a foothold in the country, which is strategically important for India, said sources. MPs also pointed out that Pakistan is trying to strengthen its ties with Bangladesh. One of the MPs suggested that if the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) can be revived to counter the Chinese bid to grow its influence in the MP also suggested that the exchange of journalists will boost people-to-people engagement with Bangladesh, said sources. An MP said some members raised concerns about the deteriorating relationship with Bangladesh under the interim government of Muhammad Yunus. The implications of India-Bangladesh ties on West Bengal, which shares a long border with the country, were also raised by MPs from the state, said a source. The state has been bearing the brunt of the suspected large-scale infiltration, said the MP. Speaking to the media after the meeting, Tharoor said infiltration from Bangladesh has been reduced now.
India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
India–Pakistan rivalry: Holding the world hostage
The decades-old India-Pakistan rivalry has evolved from a regional border dispute into a significant impediment to international diplomacy. What began with the trauma of Partition and three full-scale wars has now metastasised into a global diplomatic fault line that consistently undermines multilateral 2025, this bilateral dysfunction reached new heights when India unilaterally suspended the Indus Waters Treaty—a cornerstone of cooperation since 1960. Pakistan retaliated by abandoning the Simla Agreement, closing its airspace, and halting trade routes. These weren't merely political gestures; they represented systematic breakdowns that weakened international water law and forced the World Bank into an uncomfortable The rivalry's destructive impact extends far beyond bilateral relations. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has become virtually invisible, with summits indefinitely postponed and initiatives on health and disaster relief consistently floundering. Even within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, India and Pakistan managed to undermine consensus—notably at the 2025 Defence Ministers' summit, where disagreements over language prevented the issuance of a joint statement the United Nations, both nations continue to use the global stage for theatrical displays of animosity. Pakistan's calls for closed-door consultations following Indian military operations predictably devolved into blame games that produced no resolutions or meaningful rivalry infiltrates every aspect of bilateral engagement. Cultural ties collapse with each tension spike—Indian platforms purge Pakistani music, films are shelved, and streaming services remove content. The digital sphere has become another battleground, with both countries blocking each other's social media platforms and content cricket, once a rare source of connection, has hardened into another cold front. There has been no bilateral series in over a decade, with matches only occurring under international banners in neutral dysfunction carries profound global implications. As the Global South gains prominence in international politics, India and Pakistan's conflicting narratives divide allies and distract from crucial issues like climate finance and regional infrastructure. South Asia remains one of the world's least integrated regions economically, with negligible trade and restricted travel between its two largest uncomfortable truth is that South Asia's volatility has become structurally embedded in global diplomacy, consistently stalling international forums and undermining multilateral progress when lasting solutions are most needed.- EndsTune InMust Watch
DW
19-06-2025
- Business
- DW
Is India leaving South Asia behind? – DW – 06/19/2025
India is aiming for a global leadership role, but strained ties and regional instability in South Asia are testing its Neighborhood First policy. India, the world's fourth-largest economy, aspires to become a top power on the international political stage. "India is emerging as a global leader in different aspects of technology, be it space, AI [artificial intelligence], digital innovation, green technology and more," Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on X last month. However, some experts told DW that India's global ambitions come at the cost of its relationship with regional neighbors that have turned hostile to New Delhi's quest for regional hegemony. India's rise comes as economic instability and political fragility are threatening South Asia. As India positions itself on the global stage, questions remain over whether it can truly rise without its neighbors Image: DPR PMO/ANI Photo More than half of Afghanistan's population has slipped below the poverty line since the Taliban came to power, while Myanmar grapples with political instability under military rule. Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have turned to the International Monetary Fund for bailouts, and India itself faces a rise in sectarian violence. China is meanwhile expanding its influence across South Asia through deepening economic and strategic partnerships. Neighborhood First — on the backburner? After coming to power in 2014, Modi signaled a revitalization of India's Neighborhood First Policy, aimed at repairing and bolstering its ties with countries in the region. But Chietigj Bajpaee, senior fellow for South Asia at the London-based Chatham House, said that a decade on, "the neighborhood remains a weak component of India's foreign policy." He suggested that there has been "a degree of benign neglect by New Delhi." Despite rhetorical nods to regional solidarity, India's foreign policy has primarily focused outward, toward the US, Europe and East Asia — rather than toward South Asia. Bajpaee said there is little appetite in India to reactivate the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), a regional bloc comprising Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. "Everyone except India is interested in reviving it," Bajpaee said, but noted that the "India-Pakistan relationship ... undermines any prospect of [reviving] SAARC." Hostilities between India and Pakistan have effectively frozen the bloc since 2016, when India withdrew from a summit in Islamabad following a deadly attack in Indian-administered Kashmir. Kanak Mani Dixit, a Nepal-based writer and founding editor of Himal South Asian magazine, says India has often taken a unilateral approach on regional issues. Citing the launch of the SAARC satellite in 2014, Dixit says Prime Minister Narendra Modi "bypassed regional consultations." "Courtesy requires talking with your neighbors," said Dixit. "This strategic aloofness has fed resentment against India in countries like Nepal and Sri Lanka." Dixit noted that other rising powers, most notably China, invested first in regional networks before turning outward. "China regionalized before it globalized. India is attempting the opposite," Bajpaee added. Tracking the tense relationship between India and China To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Missed opportunities South Asia is now widely considered the least economically integrated region in the world, according to the World Bank. Intra-regional trade makes up barely 5% of total trade in the region. By contrast, intra-EU trade stands at about 60%. "There is a strong market of 500 million people outside of India in South Asia," said Biswajeet Dhar, a former economics professor at New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University. He pointed to textiles, pharmaceuticals, energy and services as areas with huge potential. "We studied regional value chains for the Asian Development Bank. The complementarity was incredible," Dhar added, noting that the "potential remains largely unrealized due to narrow political disputes." Dixit echoed Dhar's sentiment: "This is the region that could benefit the most from trade, and yet there is none." Sri Lankan economist Ganeshan Wignaraja said that India could benefit economically if it fostered closer links across its borders. "If India neglects its neighborhood, it will let others, such as China, enter the neighborhood, and that would compromise India's national security," said Wignaraja. India's trade with Pakistan collapsed following diplomatic hostilities, depriving both sides of economic links that could foster stability. China has already benefited from the regional gap, by investing in Bangladeshi ports, Sri Lankan airports and Pakistani motorways. Are India, the EU ready for a free trade agreement? To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video India's diplomacy of domination Dixit challenged what many people perceive to be India's diplomacy by domination. "It would like the rest of South Asia to be subservient," Dixit said. "For India to do well on the global stage, it has to make peace with its neighbors by accepting a one-on-one sovereign relationship." Bajpaee said that India "cannot control these countries' internal politics. The era of spheres of influence no longer exists." In the past, India has sacrificed long-term regional cooperation for short-term geopolitical alignment. Citing the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline as an example, Dixit says that it was abandoned under former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh due to US pressure. "Had that happened, we would have created forward and backward linkages for gas to keep flowing, and that would have compelled peace," Dixit said. Is India setting a new diplomatic course? India's focus has shifted towards the Indo-Pacific, the Quad group — which is made up of the US, Japan, Australia and India — and the West. However, for India to be sustainable, its borders would need to be stable. "India's engagement with East Asia is held hostage by instability in Bangladesh and Myanmar," Bajpaee said. "It needs to have good relations with countries on its borders if it wants to engage more broadly." Dixit explained that India's global aspirations, including its efforts to become a veto power in the UN Security Council, also suffer from the regional deficit. "A UNSC seat needs regional credibility. But when the region is in a mess and India isn't reaching out, it weakens its case," he told DW. Wignaraja concluded that "India can [perhaps] rise alone — but it will be in a stronger position if it can rise with its neighbors." Edited by: Keith Walker
Indian Express
17-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
What Hardeep Puri got right – and wrong – about India's response to Pak-sponsored terror
In an interview published in this newspaper on May 10, Union Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas Hardeep Puri stoutly — and correctly — defended Operation Sindoor and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's current Pakistan policy. The Pahalgam terrorist attack was dastardly and designed to destabilise India's social harmony. It had to be dealt with an iron hand. Modi did so. In the process, he sent a message to India's western neighbour and the international community that India would no longer tolerate Pakistani terrorism. Instead, it will combat it through the use of effective kinetic action. Modi's current Pakistan policy and actions have the support of the Indian people. This was demonstrated in the nation endorsing Operation Sindoor. The seven all-party delegations, which travelled to over 30 countries, conveyed India's resolve that Pakistani terrorism will be met by force. The fact that both government and opposition party MPs travelled together showed the determination of the Indian people against Pakistani terrorism. This said, it is obvious that Puri the politician has overtaken Puri's earlier avatar as an outstanding diplomat. Puri, the diplomat, would never have made this sweeping comment: 'The pre-Modi era of dealing with Pakistan was a theatre of the absurd'. There are several problems with Puri's formulation. The foremost is that it ignores the evolution of Modi's Pakistan policy. It is an undeniable fact that Modi sincerely decided to normalise ties with Pakistan. To do so, he went beyond the policies and actions of those who, according to Puri, dealt 'absurdly' with Pakistan. These included not only non-BJP PMs but also Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He led the country in quashing the Pakistani intrusion into Kargil in 1999. However, after an interval of a few years, he again sought to improve ties with Pakistan and went to Pakistan to attend a SAARC summit in 2004. Vajpayee also went ahead with the Lahore visit of February 1999 despite a terrorist attack on its eve. Modi began his innings as PM, demonstrating a genuine desire to establish cooperative relations with Pakistan. This led him to invite then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to his 2014 oath-taking ceremony. The Pakistani generals were furious with Sharif's decision. They got the LeT to launch an attack on the Indian Consulate General in Herat days prior to Modi's swearing-in. Its purpose was to embarrass Modi and compel Sharif to call off his India visit. It was the alertness of an Indian security guard that prevented a major terrorist incident. Modi's meeting with Nawaz Sharif in Delhi in May 2014 led to a decision to renew the bilateral engagement. Certain obstacles created by the Pakistan army prevented that from occurring. Modi, however, persevered. He met Sharif on the sidelines of the SCO summit at Ufa in July 2015. The two leaders agreed that their National Security Advisors would meet to discuss terrorism. The Ufa Joint Statement was silent on Jammu and Kashmir. The Pakistani generals told Sharif that an exclusive meeting on terrorism could not happen. Modi relented. The National Security Advisors, along with the Foreign Secretaries, met in Bangkok in early December 2015. They apparently discussed some bilateral issues in addition to terrorism. A few days after the Bangkok meeting, the late External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj went to Islamabad to attend a meeting on Afghanistan. On its sidelines, India and Pakistan decided to begin a Comprehensive Bilateral Dialogue which would address contentious issues, terrorism, cooperation mechanisms and humanitarian matters. To cement this process, Modi paid a historic stopover visit to Lahore on Christmas Day 2015 and to greet Nawaz Sharif on his birthday and also felicitate him on the marriage of his granddaughter. The Pakistan generals could not countenance that they were being ignored in this process. Within 10 days, they sponsored the Pathankot airbase attack. Modi did not break off the engagement after the Pathankot attack. He tried to rescue the process. In this quest, he also allowed a Pakistani investigation team, which included an ISI officer, to visit Pathankot. Bearing in mind that none of Modi's predecessors had ever agreed to such a visit, what does Puri think of it? Was it 'absurd' that despite the Pathankot attack, Modi sought peace with Pakistan? Indeed, if Modi's predecessors had overlooked earlier terrorist attacks and did not want relations to break did Modi not act similarly after the Pathankot attack? Indeed, the fact is that Modi showed far more flexibility towards Pakistan than his predecessors had done and if the late Sati Lambah is to be believed, he sought backchannel communications with Pakistan in 2017 too. It was only after the Uri attack that Modi first authorised and publicised kinetic action. The Pulwama terrorist attack of 2019 led Modi to abandon the traditional Indian paradigm of dealing with Pakistan, which he had himself followed for over two years after becoming Prime Minister. In 2019, he took the historic decision to make fundamental constitutional changes regarding J&K. Pakistan reacted stupidly, and bilateral ties were downgraded. It was gradually from 2016 to Operation Sindoor that Modi demonstrated the shift in India's approach towards Pakistan. He has to be given credit for this, but the fact that he pursued for over two years what Puri unfortunately calls the 'theatre of the absurd' cannot be denied. Perhaps, in future, Puri the politician's statements, especially when they dwell on recent history, will be tempered by the experience of Puri the diplomat. The writer is a former diplomat
The Sun
15-06-2025
- Business
- The Sun
Embraer: Asia-Pacific to propel global aviation, aircraft demand growth
PETALING JAYA: The Asia-Pacific region stands at the heart of global aviation's most dynamic growth, with airlines set to face both opportunities and complex challenges over the next two decades as they seek to connect rapidly expanding populations, serve new destinations and adapt to shifting market demands. According to Embraer's Market Outlook for 2025, Asia-Pacific will account for 39% of global air traffic by 2044, making it the world's largest aviation market and a magnet for new investment. The report said demand for air travel in the Asia-Pacific is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 4.1% through 2044, driven by a combination of steady economic expansion, rising middle-class populations and increasing consumer appetite for travel and tourism. In emerging markets – such as those in Asean and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) – economic growth is especially robust. Despite this potential, airlines in the Asia-Pacific region remain highly concentrated in a few key markets. The Embraer report noted that between 30% and 35% of all flights in Asean and SAARC countries operate at the top five airports, compared to just 15% in North America and Western Europe, which boast broader, more diverse networks. This concentration has led to intense competition, price wars, and thin profit margins – Asia-Pacific airlines collectively reported a mere 1.3% profit margin in 2024. The region still has more than 1,000 low-density and 350 mid-density markets, many of which are underserved or served by just one airline, it said. Embraer noted that the path to profitability lies in right-sizing aircraft fleets and expanding beyond congested hubs. Airlines that deploy up-to-150-seat jets and turboprops can unlock new routes, increase frequencies and better match capacity to demand. In fact, Embraer forecasts demand for 1,050 new up-to-150-seat jets and 640 turboprops in the Asia-Pacific through 2044, supporting both network expansion and sustainability goals. In mature markets such as Japan, South Korea and Australia, the up-to-150-seat segment is already critical to maintaining robust domestic and regional connectivity, especially as populations stabilise or decline and airlines seek more efficient operations. Beyond the region, Embraer noted that, while Asia-Pacific leads in growth and scale, other regions are also shaping the future of aviation, each with unique opportunities and challenges. The report finds that China will be the fastest-growing market, with annual passenger traffic projected to rise by 5.7% through 2044. Demand is accelerating in lower-tier cities, outpacing growth in major hubs, and fleet flexibility will be key to unlocking regional connectivity. China is expected to require 1,500 new up-to-150-seat jets by 2044, reflecting its expanding middle class and evolving tourism landscape. As for Latin America and the Caribbean, this region will see annual passenger traffic growth of 4.7%, driven by new infrastructure and the need for better regional connectivity. Small narrowbodies are expected to play a crucial role in opening underserved markets and optimising operations at challenging airports. The region will require 770 new jets and 160 turboprops through 2044. Embraer's report also noted that Africa offers significant untapped potential, with annual passenger traffic growth projected at 4.4%. The continent's emerging middle class and rising incomes are expected to drive demand, but economic, infrastructure, and regulatory barriers remain. Africa will need 380 new jets and 220 turboprops, with small aircraft essential for connecting low-density markets and supporting sustainable development. Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) are forecast to grow at 3.1% annually, with a focus on maximizing sustainable connectivity and airline profitability. Embraer sees small narrowbodies as vital for serving low-density markets and ensuring efficient network integration, particularly as environmental regulations tighten. The region will require 1,990 new jets and 260 turboprops. As for the Middle East, Embraer said the growth is projected at 4.4% annually, with tourism and intra-regional connectivity as key drivers. Small narrowbodies will help airlines unlock new domestic and regional markets, supporting national diversification strategies. The region is expected to require 350 new jets and 20 turboprops. North America will see slower growth (2.4% annually) but remains the largest market for jet deliveries (2,680 up-to-150-seat jets and 280 turboprops). Regional aviation is the backbone of the US network, with small narrowbodies complementing large aircraft to maximize frequencies and maintain capacity discipline. The Embraer report noted that Asia-Pacific is poised to redefine global aviation, driven by rapid economic growth, demographic trends and the need for smarter, more flexible air networks. As airlines across the world adapt to new realities – from shifting geopolitics to environmental priorities – the ability to connect people, places and economies will remain at the heart of the industry's future. Embraer said that with the right fleet strategies and a focus on underserved markets, the aviation sector can unlock new opportunities for growth and resilience in every region.
