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Daily Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Express
Call to prioritise solutions, not political rhetoric
Published on: Monday, June 30, 2025 Published on: Mon, Jun 30, 2025 Text Size: KOTA KINABALU: Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) Deputy President Datuk Robert Tawik has called for unity and responsible dialogue in addressing Sabah's development issues, urging political players to focus on solutions rather than rhetoric. Responding to recent remarks by Sabah Umno Youth Vice Chief Bobby Balang, Robert defended Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor's call for public discernment amid widespread social media misinformation. 'The Chief Minister never questioned Sabahans' intelligence, he urged wisdom in navigating unverified claims,' he said. Robert reaffirmed GRS's commitment to transparency, adding that corruption will not be tolerated and institutional integrity remains a priority. He acknowledged ongoing challenges in infrastructure and utilities, but stressed that the current administration has acted to resolve inherited issues. 'Development isn't a cover for corruption , it's our mission. Real progress needs both better infrastructure and public trust,' he said. He urged all parties, especially federal unity government partners, to engage constructively saying Sabahans need solutions, not soundbites. * Follow us on our official WhatsApp channel and Telegram for breaking news alerts and key updates! * Do you have access to the Daily Express e-paper and online exclusive news? Check out subscription plans available. Stay up-to-date by following Daily Express's Telegram channel. Daily Express Malaysia
Borneo Post
4 days ago
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Sarawak, Sabah politics: Navigating unity in diversity
Abang Johari (front, second right) alongside Deputy Premier Datuk Amar Douglas Uggah Embas, on his right, seen with other state dignitaries joining in the 'Niti Daun' (Gawai Parade) in Kuching. — Photo by Chimon Upon SIMILAR yet different. Despite the differences, there have been efforts to understand Sabah and Sarawak, the two states of Borneo, as a single, unified entity. These approaches tend to assume a shared path of social and cultural development, overlooking the nuanced experiences of each region. Sarawak and Sabah possess relatively different demographic and political landscapes, although they are territorially neighbours. Grouping them under one 'territorial alliance umbrella' on account of social and historical connections sounds an attractive proposition. Many would view its prospect in a positive light in view of the contrasting ethnic-religious orientation of peninsular politics. It is easy to brush off the suggestion, but we cannot and must not do so hastily, let alone consign it to the dustbin of history. Political winds always shift, and what is currently very unlikely might become reality tomorrow. Social, demographic patterns My attempt at deciphering the changing social and demographic patterns of these two states, and how these influence the dynamics and course of their politics, is essentially a preliminary approximation. It relies mainly on personal observations and existing secondary data serving as a brief overview rather than an in-depth analysis. Sarawak possesses a complex population with various ethnic communities, which make up a vibrant ethnic and religious fabric. It also possesses a distinct 'Sarawakian identity' as well as Malaysian national identity. Sarawak politics is dominated by Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), the original giant that wants Sarawak to be more independent and keeps Sarawak engaged in a more Malaysian setting. In Sabah, coalition politics sees Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) as the ruling government, although its passage of rule is not as smooth as its counterpart in Sarawak. Contending rival parties are keen on vying for control of Sabah in the upcoming election, which is creating instability and could impede progress. The issue is putting Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in a tough position, which is exacerbated by Sabahans' rising desire for more political decision-making power to be in the hands of the locals. Sarawak possesses a complex population with various ethnic communities, which make up a vibrant ethnic and religious fabric. — Bernama photo Complicated social arithmetic Sabah's political and demographic setting is much more complicated. Though Sabah is ethnically pluralistic, religious and tribal allegiance adds a complicated social arithmetic. Its political tradition is marked by an ever-present coming-and-going of flip-flopping allegiances between contending parties that have the tendency to result in a less stable political culture. This was seen in the recent political meltdown of 2023, as it highlighted the fluidity and volatility of political leadership in the state, which was at variance with the relative stability of Sarawak. The politics of jockeying currently in Sabah is a reflection of attempting to balance diverse interests and rival claims within its multi-dimensional political framework. Sabah and Sarawak politics appear similar, but different in the context of oneness and ethnically diverse nature. Given that the natives, the Chinese and the Malays coexist, the two states have to adopt homogeneous political identities for their own people in a heterogeneous setting. Sarawak continues to build on its decades-long success story, which is the pride of well-meaning Sarawakians, leaving no room for interested parties on the periphery to intervene with their agendas and undermine the political order. With the visionary guidance of Premier Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Abang Johari Tun Openg, GPS has managed to uphold the 'Sarawak success story' model, and the state has gone on to record unprecedented growth and development and a blissfully peaceful political climate. Abang Johari's visionary leadership has made it possible for Sarawak to record impressive milestones, as the state is undergoing a continuous development and growth spurt, almost free from political turmoil. Such a commendable feat is evidence of the effectiveness of the 'Sarawak success story' formula painstakingly crafted and cultivated by the GPS leader that has consistently made it possible for the state to flourish and soar to unprecedented heights of prosperity. The steadfast practice of the winning formula speaks volumes about the commitment of Sarawak leaders in building a prosperous and successful society. Led by Premier Abang Johari, the state's collective leadership has reiterated its commitment to put Sarawak's people first and foremost, toward a better future. Coalition politics The multiplicity and diversity of common interests and values in a society can result in coalition politics. Such situations need to be negotiated with complex power-sharing arrangements to promote fair representation and solve the isolated issues stemming from the mixed concerns and needs of various social groups. Sophisticated power-sharing and bargaining need to adapt to representation and handle abnormal issues of differentiated societies to be able to fit into position. This mutual diversity will be susceptible to manifest itself in complex coalition politics that need tuning and adjustment of power in order to provide representation and satisfy particular interests of plural societies. Nevertheless, the divergent historical paths and newly-reconfigured political cultures have yielded diverse forms of adaptation to this oneness. The political experience and expressions in Sabah in recent times speak volumes of this. While both the states have provided institutional spaces for achieving oneness, the storminess of inter-ethnic politics, regionalism, and national party dominance have given their politics so quintessentially Sabahan and Sarawakian hues. It is an engaging analysis in the traps and promises of achieving oneness in profound diversity. Shared diversity Sabah and Sarawak have interestingly similar, but unique, political circumstances from perspectives of unity and ethnic diversity. This shared diversity is expressed in coalition politics, within which defended bargaining and powers of division will be necessary in order to provide representation and attend to each community's specific issues. The separate historical trajectories, though, and the resultant political cultures have yielded different steps towards this unity. While they are both bountiful in their endowment, their politics have been influenced by politics of inter-ethnic relations, regionalism, and national party encroachment. It is, therefore, an exercise worth attempting in the promise and challenge of turning unity out of profound diversity. By the scope of their electoral constituencies and the emergence of their incipient regional identity, Sarawak and Sabah are increasingly making themselves felt in Malaysian federal politics. Politicians at the national level are highly attuned to this, and we can expect to keep seeing efforts to woo Borneo voters, particularly in tight contests. Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Noor, who is also GRS chairman, shaking hands with people attending an event held by United Sabah National Organisation in Kota Belud. — Bernama photo Collective bargaining This might entail responsibilities better attuned to the specific needs and concerns of Sabah and Sarawak, and perhaps in a way resulting in the federal policy being more directly shaped by the needs of these two states. A collective bargaining position might become complicated by domestic political pressure within the two states as well as varying priorities, so one is not certain if the 'numbers' from Sabah and Sarawak will be able to show a united front. The driving force behind such devolution, bolstered by the renewed interest in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), is seen to be an all-too-familiar aspect of Sabah and Sarawak politics. The stirring also came with an increased aspiration for more autonomy and rights over resources, and it is certain that both states will continue to push for the complete implementation of MA63. Even though the process of total devolution is complex and riddled with negotiations, the current trajectory is that it shall always be an agenda priority in the Sabah and Sarawak political framework, setting the latter's relationship with the federal government and Malaysian federalism itself. The degree to which the federal government will allow power and resources to be ceded will ultimately dictate the realisation of this agenda of devolution and longer dynamics between Peninsular Malaysia and Borneo. Both in Sarawak and Sabah, rural and urban, there are a number of factors that cut across and support each other in attempting to sway the electoral and party vote. These include socio-economic status, ethnic group membership, access to information, and perceived quality of government services. Even though politicians with urban constituencies normally have more pressing matters such as expanding infrastructure, economic development, and sound governance, old-style leadership and party membership primarily weigh heavily in rural voting. Politicians' rhetoric is normally accompanied by local context congruence and plays a very important role in voting decisions. Youth more issue-conscious Shifting demographics of rural and urban electorates are going to define the electoral formula. Urbanisation is engulfing more youths and educated voters in the urban corridor, so the voter base becomes sensitive and heterogeneous and issues-conscious like saving the earth, social justice, and connectivity. In the rural constituencies, while traditional mores persist, increased access to education and information is gradually producing an increasingly aware and educated voter. This demographic change requires political parties to be more responsive and adjust their narratives and strategies to connect with a larger universe of voter issues. Young people who vote are a force to be multiplied that call the shots in the political landscape. The two states of Borneo are no different. Through their exposure to the cyberworld and social media, they can be mobilised, organised, and can project their voice to push matters of the day. Though they do not get 100 per cent of their vote, generally, they are interested in matters concerning climate change, bribery, affordable housing, and social justice. Their capability for political conversation, challenging prevailing convention, and pressuring their members of parliament to take more responsibility, can lead to deciding factors in election results and government policy that bring political parties to listen to them or risk the loss of their vote. A number of socio-economic issues will most probably determine the political decisions of Sarawak and Sabah young voters in the next state and parliamentary elections. These are such issues as access to education, jobs, and availability of houses at affordable prices that usually take precedence over conventional political loyalties. Local issues such as infrastructure and connectivity for less accessible areas, conservation of environment, and safeguarding local rights and customs are also given priority at the highest level. Responsiveness and sensitivity of political parties to such local issues do count. In addition, web literacy and online exposure to counter-arguments on the Internet make youth voters more informed, and perhaps, more critical of hegemonic discourses. They are also attracted to parties that promise new solutions, struggle with openness and responsibility, and demonstrate sincere commitment to putting their interests into practice under a desired government – one that is functional and inclusive. The choices that they will make will ultimately be based on a sophisticated combination of rational calculation, emotional identification, and the appeal of campaign rhetoric. The number of young voters is growing and they have the potential to tip the scales in key urban seats. Demographic shift The rising number of young voters represents a significant demographic shift with the potential to reshape electoral outcomes, particularly in densely-populated urban areas. This is true in Sabah as it is Sarawak, and this is becoming a growing definer of political trends in both states. Past younger generations have always registered lower voting turnout than the elderly folks. More recently, there have been tendencies toward greater youth participation in the political process. Climate change, economic disparity and social justice are among the drivers motivating these younger generations to become progressively more aware of politics and eager to vote. In the urban areas, where young adults are also concentrated by education and career prospects, their increased numbers can be a voting influence bloc. Their combined voice, if well mobilised, can influence elections and policy space towards responsive directions along their values and interests, even win close elections and push politicians to take up issues of this generation. Maybe a comparative study of the potential impact of the growing number of young, educated and affluent voters across the vast expanse of the political space in both states is worth an effort to pursue. Why? In order to have a clearer vision of the politics of the future, we need more critical and refined discussions of what the young generations politically see and believe. We need to move beyond observing how much they are involved or claiming to hold which beliefs and critically examine what lies beneath to shape their attitudes, motivations, and levels of engagement. We need to peer deeper than surface knowledge and explore the complexities of how they interact with political regimes, institutions, and actors. * Toman Mamora is 'Tokoh Media Sarawak 2022', recipient of Shell Journalism Gold Award (1996) and AZAM Best Writer Gold Award (1998). He remains true to his decades-long passion for critical writing as he seeks to gain insight into some untold stories of societal value. borneo diversity politics sabah sarawak
Borneo Post
5 days ago
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Pandikar's brinkmanship jolted him to higher profile
Pandikar Amin By first sulking and going on the offensive for having been sidelined in the favour and election seats shares in GRS, Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Hj Mulia unexpectedly gained a stronger foothold in Sabah politics! Speaking last April, he made a threat that Usno 'may be forced to contest solo in the upcoming state election if it continues to be belittled and sidelined' in the GRS coalition. He pointed to the 'dismissive attitude' by some leaders within GRS, who questioned Usno's right to demand seats despite the party's efforts to build grassroots support. Within three days, on May 1, Gagasan Rakyat Bingkor Deputy Division Chief Rafie Robert and Kiulu Deputy Chief, Datuk George Teo, told Usno that it was free to leave the GRS if it feels the ruling coalition cannot meet its demands or felt it has been belittled. With disregard for any decorum, Rafie said bluntly, 'If you are dissatisfied … don't force yourself to stay … just leave.' But the Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Hj Noor, stepped in to cool things down by declaring, after a three-hour meeting of GRS leaders on May 7, that 'All is well in GRS.' The congenial smiles of the four leaders, Hajiji, Pandikar, Datuk Yong Teck Lee and Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan on the front page headline of a local paper was hilarious knowing the strained backdrop of the news story. In dealing with the constrains to manoeuvre in the local political arena, Pandikar hasn't accepted any disadvantage he may have, but has leveraged on his strength of personality, as one who has gone through years in the political combat zones. Putting forth a self-assured front, he spoke his mind against some of whom he describes as 'greenhorns' – all in the bravado well-horned since his days in Bersih, AKAR and in the hot chair of Parliament. His latest no-nonsense pro-Sabah speech in Kunak, in which he raised Sabahans' grievances under the federal policies, has now gone viral and defined his and Usno's political stance. His strategy of advocating strongly for Sabah's greater autonomy within the GRS coalition has indeed enhanced his political influence. This 'brinkmanship' – pushing the boundaries of expected relationship norm in GRS – to the point of threatening to go it alone in the forthcoming PRN17, has likely boosted his clout within the coalition and among Sabahans for several reasons: 1. He appeals to the Sabah Sentiment: The desire for greater autonomy and a fairer share of resources is deeply felt among many Sabahans. By publicly and aggressively championing these causes, Pandikar positions himself as a strong advocate for Sabah's interests, resonating with voters who feel marginalized or ignored by the federal government. This strengthens his base of support. 2. Internal Coalition Dynamics: His outspokenness creates pressure within the GRS coalition. While potentially disruptive, it forces other coalition partners to acknowledge and address Sabah's concerns, giving USNO a more prominent role in discussions and decision-making processes. His willingness to push boundaries gains him attention and influence. 3. Media Attention and Public Perception: Pandikar's assertive tactics generate considerable media attention, increasing his visibility and shaping public perception. This increases his profile and strengthens his influence beyond the immediate political arena. 4. Negotiating Power: By demonstrating a willingness to push the boundaries of the coalition, Pandikar strengthens his negotiating position. He can leverage his vocal support for Sabah's autonomy to secure concessions and influence policy decisions within GRS. 5. Mobilization of Support: This assertive stance can mobilize support not only within USNO but also amongst other groups and parties sympathetic to Sabah's cause. This expands his political base and increases his bargaining power. However, it is crucial to note that this brinkmanship may carry some risks. Although his assertiveness had pushed GRS for a reconciliation, any excess may alienate coalition partners and damage his relationships within GRS. But as one who has known him since our days in AKAR, I see no possibility of him compromising on his stance where Sabah rights are concerned. It's a u-turn from his previous stance when he was Parliament chairman, but this new direction boosts Usno's influence as it resonates with the now popular 'Sabah for Sabahans' slogan. What he has achieved with his typical virulent rhetoric are leadership gems which has raised him further up in the Sabah political current, ultimately to herald the recognition that Pandikar Amin Hj Mulia is still a force to be reckoned with! It could also be perceived negatively by some voters who prefer a more conciliatory approach. The effectiveness of his strategy will depend on careful calculation and a deep understanding of Sabah's political landscape. The long-term consequences remain to be seen. Pandikar's shift from a previously pro-federal stance to a strong advocate for Sabah's greater autonomy represents a significant change in his political trajectory. This U-turn can be analyzed from several perspectives: • Political Pragmatism: Pandikar's change might be driven by political pragmatism. He may have recognized that advocating for Sabah's autonomy resonates far more strongly with the Sabah electorate than a pro-federal stance. By aligning himself with the popular sentiment of greater self-determination, he enhances his political viability and appeal within Sabah. • Evolving Political Landscape: The political landscape in Sabah has shifted significantly. The increased focus on the implementation of MA63 and the growing demand for greater autonomy have created a more receptive environment for pro-autonomy voices. Pandikar's shift might reflect an adaptation to this evolving political reality. • Internal Party Dynamics: His change could be influenced by internal dynamics within USNO and his desire to strengthen the party's position within Sabah's political arena. Embracing the autonomy agenda allows him to consolidate his position as a key leader within the party. • Strategic Calculation: Pandikar's U-turn could be a strategic calculation aimed at enhancing his negotiating power. By adopting a more assertive stance, he can exert greater influence within the GRS coalition and secure concessions from the federal government. • Response to Public Pressure: It's possible the shift is a response to mounting public pressure from Sabahans demanding greater autonomy and a more assertive representation of their interests at the federal level. Pandikar may have sensed this public sentiment and changed his political position to better reflect the views of his electorate. • Shifting Priorities: His priorities might have changed over time, leading to a reevaluation of his political stance. He may have come to view greater autonomy as essential for Sabah's long-term prosperity and well-being. However, it's important to acknowledge that Pandikar's change could also be perceived as opportunistic. The timing of his shift raises questions about his sincerity and motivations. His previous pro-federal stance could be used to criticize his current advocacy for greater autonomy, potentially undermining his credibility among some segments of the population. The long-term implications of this change will likely depend on the consistency and effectiveness of his approach. How has Pandikar's U-turn affected his relationship with other GRS leaders? What are the key issues Pandikar advocates for Sabah? What are the main reasons for the U-turn?
Yahoo
24-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Sabah MP warns against ‘local vs national' rhetoric, calls for focus on results ahead of state polls
KOTA KINABALU, June 19 — Sabah DAP MP Datuk Chan Foong Hin has cautioned against the rising political rhetoric that divides parties into "local" and "national" blocs, calling it a 'false dichotomy' that oversimplifies Sabah's political dynamics as the 17th state election (PRN17) approaches. Chan noted that localism has always been a key element of Sabah's political identity, but one that has coexisted with national coalitions over time. 'It's not fair to divide parties as either 'local' or 'national.' Leaders from so-called national parties are Sabahans too. They've been here, working on local issues and championing rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63),' he said. His comments come as Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) mulls its election strategy amid tensions with Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) and growing sentiment that Sabah should be led by a purely local bloc. 'Pakatan Harapan has UPKO, a local party. BN has PBRS. These are Sabah-rooted organisations. And many of us in DAP and PKR are Sabahans ourselves. So how do we say what's 'local' and what's not?' Chan reflected on his decision to join politics in 2007 when most local parties were under the BN coalition. 'I believed in reform and in fighting for justice across Malaysia. That's why I joined DAP. We've stood up for Sabah in Parliament many times. You can't lump all national parties into one box and call them oppressors,' he said. He warned that using the 'Sabah for Sabahans' narrative as a political campaign tool risks dividing communities and misrepresenting governance structures. 'This sentiment is stirred up for political reasons. But the truth is, even local parties like GRS and Warisan compete with each other. It's not a clear-cut local vs national fight — it's about delivery, not slogans,' he said. Chan added that no party, whether local or national, can effectively fight for Sabah's rights without maintaining a cooperative relationship with the federal government. 'With Pakatan in the state government now, we've resolved 13 MA63 issues so far. Only four remain: the 40% net revenue return, the Continental Shelf Act, one-third parliamentary representation, and stamp duty revenue rights. 'All of these are complex and require meaningful negotiation with the federal level. That doesn't change no matter who wins the election,' he said. Chan also pointed out that civil servants handle the technical groundwork while politicians set policy directions, underscoring the need for collaboration. 'People forget that. These documents and discussions are handled by the bureaucracy. Politicians come and go, but the federal system remains. If you're serious about Sabah's rights, you work with it — not against it,' he said. While acknowledging perceptions that Sarawak has been more successful in securing federal concessions, Chan said this was not due to a stronger local identity but rather effective strategy and communication. 'One example is Sabah's longstanding control over its ports, which has been preserved and recognised. Sarawak, on the other hand, recently 'regained' control over theirs. 'Sarawak always tells a good story. They're very public about their achievements. Sabah takes a softer approach. That doesn't mean we've done less,' he said. Chan concluded that the focus should be on results, not labels. 'At the end of the day, what matters is who gets the job done,' he said.
Borneo Post
21-06-2025
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Could MA63 cause a defeat of Malayan parties?
The Peninsular-based national parties risk losing substantial number of votes – and some seats? – in the forthcoming 17th state general election (PRN17) given their current continued neglect of the Sabahans' demand for fulfilment of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). The issue has spiked in its sensitivity, having been a thorn in the flesh of voters in Sabah for a full four decades! Since 1985, PBS had consistently included MA63 and Sabah rights in its election manifestos, speeches and party congresses. In 1990, PBS demanded a '50–50 redistribution' of revenue from Sabah's resources, setting the stage for a continued MA63 advocacy. And since years ago until this very day Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan has been the no-nonsense advocate of the issue. To anticipate significant losses for national or Malayan parties come PRN17 is a mild prediction compared to the dire warning by Professor James Chin in a May 15 interview with Khoo Hsu Chuong during which he, without mincing words, said, 'Give the East Malaysians what they want or risk losing the elections!' Who can argue that the MA63, having a dosage potency greater than the combined potency of all the other issues, is expected to be a powerful and highly contentious issue in the upcoming Sabah state election, potentially becoming a major challenge, or even a Waterloo, for Malayan-based political parties contesting in Sabah. It no longer requires reexplaining that MA63 pertains to Sabah's rights and autonomy as agreed upon during the formation of Malaysia in 1963, with its key demand being the fulfilment of Sabah's entitlement to 40% of revenues collected by the federal government from the state, which Sabah leaders claim has been unpaid since 1974. This point of contention invokes, as its consequences, the images of bad roads, dilapidated schools and pathetic standard of basic amenities in 'the poorest state in Malaysia'. Sabah voters, especially the youth and rural communities, are highly sensitive to the MA63 issue which is now a key factor influencing voter sentiment and political alignments in the state. The mere mention of this deeply ingrained terminology of 'MA63' never fails to infuriate the common voter who sees it as a betrayal, the example of a blatant lie and ultimately a moral insult to Sabahans. This perception is no exaggeration knowing leaders like Dr Jeffrey, Deputy Chief Miniter 1, describes Sabah as 'colonised'! Tied to the matter is the issue of Borneonization written in the 20 Points. Sabah-based parties emphasize the need for Sabah to be managed by Sabahans, reflecting a 'Sabah for Sabahans' sentiment. There is strong local opposition to Malayan parties governing Sabah, as history has shown that non-Sabah parties have not always acted in the state's best interests. This local-first sentiment is non-negotiable for many voters. The entry and involvement of Malayan political parties in Sabah's political landscape are viewed as undermining the autonomy guaranteed by MA63. This is seen as hegemonic encroachment that threatens Sabah's unique cultural, economic and political identity and fuels distrust among Sabahans towards Malayan parties. The ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition, which includes local parties, has been criticized for not pushing hard enough for MA63 rights, choosing instead to work alongside the federal government. This pragmatic approach contrasts with more pro-Sabah parties like STAR, which strongly advocates for MA63 and 'Sabah for Sabahans'. The situation puts Malayan parties such as Umno and the Pakatan Harapan coalition into a formidable corner, facing a challenge to resolve factional conflicts and local resistance. Umno's internal factionalism, with three internal leadership blocks, renders it weakened, lacking of a strong local ideological foundation. Sabah Umno leader, Datuk Seri Bung Mokhtar Radin, has resorted to branding GRS as actually a Malayan-founded coalition, and unable to present a coherent and solid vision for Sabah under Umno/BN. And ironically, Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim had tried to reign in support from Sabahans by reprimanding the Sabah leaders for 'shouting and cursing' in their demands for Sabah rights – hardly an effective strategy of love and care. Pakatan Harapan's current approach to secure local support for the federal (Madani) government has veered off the rail and doesn't fully resonate with local sentiments. The PM still believes Sabahans can be cowed into submission and subservience with a sharp whip, which by itself is definitive of the Malayan political attitude towards the peoples of the Borneo states. Given the strong local-first sentiment, the centrality of MA63 in voter concerns, and the perception that Malayan parties undermine Sabah's autonomy, MA63 is likely to be a critical and potentially divisive issue in the next Sabah state election. It could indeed be a bane, possibly destructive, for Malayan parties if they continue to be seen as neglectful in convincingly addressing Sabahans' demands for autonomy and economic rights under MA63. As such, local parties advocating for Sabah's rights and autonomy are expected to have a much higher advantage in mobilizing voter support. Could then Malayan parties, post-PRN17, be going back home to Kuala Lumpur limping in defeat? And could Professor James Chin be in another interview with a gloating smile saying, 'I told you so!'?
