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Time of India
6 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
A look at Eritrea's role as new Tigray war looms in Ethiopia
AI- Representative Image Reports of troop movements and sporadic clashes in northern Ethiopia have emerged in recent months, feeding concern that a fragile calm could soon collapse. The region is still reeling from the brutal two-year civil war between the tigray people's liberation front (TPLF) and federal government forces — a conflict that claimed an estimated 600,000 lives before it ended with the Pretoria peace agreement in November 2022. "We can't plan anything at the moment," a woman in Mekele, the capital of Ethiopia's Tigray region, told DW. "We're just trying to survive. A new war could break out tomorrow." She described a climate of fear that has gripped many residents. "Life has become incredibly expensive. We need a peaceful solution so we can return to work and rebuild our lives." During that war, Eritrean troops supported Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed's campaign against the TPLF. But critics warned at the time that peace would remain fragile without Eritrea at the negotiating table. President Isaias Afwerki, who has ruled Eritrea for decades, was notably absent from the talks in the South African's administrative capital, Pretoria. Now, growing fears of renewed violence point towards Eritrea's involvement. Internal division in Tigray Another destabilizing factor is the political turmoil within Tigray itself. The once-dominant TPLF has fractured after internal power struggles — a vulnerability Eritrea could potentially exploit. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like No annual fees for life UnionBank Credit Card Apply Now Undo Following the split, General Tadesse Werede, former commander of the defeated Tigrayd Defence forces (TDF), was appointed head of the Tigray interim government in Mekelle. He has urged caution against misinformation and vowed, "There will be no war and no provocation from Tigray's side." On the other side of the divide is TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael. His faction has been accused of cooperating with Eritrea — a claim it strongly denies. Debretsion has called for a political resolution grounded in the Pretoria agreement: "We urge the international community to pressure the Ethiopian government, its agents, and allies to refrain from preparing for war." Despite these reassurances, fear is spreading among civilians. "People are withdrawing their money from banks and stockpiling essentials like oil and teff [an Ethiopian cereal]," a resident of Mekele told DW. He called on both TPLF factions "to step aside — or to use their influence to work with the central government to resolve the crisis and prevent war." Eritrea's interest in a fragmented Ethiopia A full-scale inter-state war may be unlikely, but proxy conflicts are a real possibility, said Gerrit Kurtz, Horn of Africa expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), a Berlin-based think tank. "Eritrea benefits when Ethiopia is weakened — when it's internally fragmented and beset by local conflicts," Kurtz told DW. "That's why the internal crises we've seen over the past few years — many of which are supported, or at least exploited, by Eritrea — serve its strategic interests." Observers say Eritrea has trained armed groups inside Ethiopia — including, reportedly, the Fano militia in Amhara region. In March, Fano fighters clashed with Ethiopian federal troops in a two-day battle that, according to Addis Ababa, left more than 300 militia members dead. Arms, resources and influence Eritrea has a long and contentious history with Ethiopia. After colonial rule ended, the country was absorbed into a federation with Ethiopia in 1952, and later forcibly annexed — a move that sparked a decades-long independence struggle. Eritrea finally broke away in 1993, costing Ethiopia its only direct access to the sea. Since then, Eritrea has become one of the world's most repressive and isolated regimes under Isaias Afwerki. In 2010, the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on the country. According to a new report by the US-based watchdog group The Sentry, Eritrea has used its involvement in the Tigray conflict to strengthen its position significantly. "We identified two clear patterns," said Charles Cater, lead investigator for The Sentry, in an interview with DW. "First, the systematic looting of Tigray during the war — factories were dismantled and moved across the border. Everything of value was taken to Eritrea. " The second pattern, he said, was illicit trade: Eritrea profited from smuggling gold, sesame, cultural artifacts, and even people from Tigray. The resulting foreign currency is believed to have helped fund Eritrea's ongoing operations in Ethiopia. Another pivotal moment came in 2018, when Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace agreement, ending years of open hostility. Prime Minister Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the breakthrough — but Afwerki was left out, despite the deal helping to lift the UN arms embargo against Eritrea. The Sentry also documented how Eritrea subsequently bought weapons, including from Russia. In response, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel dismissed the report as a "fabricated narrative" meant to scapegoat Eritrea. Abiy's calculations and border tensions The Eritrean military is reportedly strengthening its positions near the Tigray border and may have advanced up to 10 kilometres (6 miles) into Ethiopian territory, according to The Sentry. Both sides had previously agreed to a new border alignment during the 2018 thaw in relations. The Pretoria Agreement stipulated the withdrawal of all non-federal forces from Tigray — including Eritrean troops. It is now up to the Ethiopian government to find a political solution, both with Eritrea and with the divided TPLF, noted SWP's Gerrit Kurtz. "Abiy's strategy is to keep all domestic rivals weak enough that they can't unite against him. That means sometimes aligning with certain factions, while repressing others. But it's a high-stakes game," Kurtz said. Ethiopia is scheduled to hold national elections next year, and analysts warn that Abiy could use the Tigray crisis as political leverage. Since 2023, he has also revived calls for Ethiopia to secure its own access to the sea — a move that has already fuelled diplomatic tensions with Somalia and led some to fear a potential military incursion into Eritrea. For now, Abiy has publicly reiterated his commitment to peace. Survivor recounts Tigray civilian massacres
DW
16-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
A look at Eritrea's role as new Tigray war looms in Ethiopia – DW – 07/16/2025
Northern Ethiopia is growing increasingly tense two and a half years after the Tigray peace deal. Eritrea appears intent on sowing instability in the region. A new report traces how separatists have quietly rearmed. Reports of troop movements and sporadic clashes in northern Ethiopia have emerged in recent months, feeding concern that a fragile calm could soon collapse. The region is still reeling from the brutal two-year civil war between the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and federal government forces — a conflict that claimed an estimated 600,000 lives before it ended with the Pretoria peace agreement in November 2022. "We can't plan anything at the moment," a woman in Mekele, the capital of Ethiopia's Tigray region, told DW. "We're just trying to survive. A new war could break out tomorrow." She described a climate of fear that has gripped many residents. "Life has become incredibly expensive. We need a peaceful solution so we can return to work and rebuild our lives." During that war, Eritrean troops supported Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's campaign against the TPLF. But critics warned at the time that peace would remain fragile without Eritrea at the negotiating table. President Isaias Afwerki, who has ruled Eritrea for decades, was notably absent from the talks in the South African's administrative capital, Pretoria. Now, growing fears of renewed violence point towards Eritrea's involvement. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Another destabilizing factor is the political turmoil within Tigray itself. The once-dominant TPLF has fractured after internal power struggles — a vulnerability Eritrea could potentially exploit. Following the split, General Tadesse Werede, former commander of the defeated Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), was appointed head of the Tigray interim government in Mekelle. He has urged caution against misinformation and vowed, "There will be no war and no provocation from Tigray's side." On the other side of the divide is TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael. His faction has been accused of cooperating with Eritrea — a claim it strongly denies. Debretsion has called for a political resolution grounded in the Pretoria agreement: "We urge the international community to pressure the Ethiopian government, its agents, and allies to refrain from preparing for war." Despite these reassurances, fear is spreading among civilians. "People are withdrawing their money from banks and stockpiling essentials like oil and teff [an Ethiopian cereal]," a resident of Mekele told DW. He called on both TPLF factions "to step aside — or to use their influence to work with the central government to resolve the crisis and prevent war." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video A full-scale inter-state war may be unlikely, but proxy conflicts are a real possibility, said Gerrit Kurtz, Horn of Africa expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), a Berlin-based think tank. "Eritrea benefits when Ethiopia is weakened — when it's internally fragmented and beset by local conflicts," Kurtz told DW. "That's why the internal crises we've seen over the past few years — many of which are supported, or at least exploited, by Eritrea — serve its strategic interests." Observers say Eritrea has trained armed groups inside Ethiopia — including, reportedly, the Fano militia in Amhara region. In March, Fano fighters clashed with Ethiopian federal troops in a two-day battle that, according to Addis Ababa, left more than 300 militia members dead. Eritrea has a long and contentious history with Ethiopia. After colonial rule ended, the country was absorbed into a federation with Ethiopia in 1952, and later forcibly annexed — a move that sparked a decades-long independence struggle. Eritrea finally broke away in 1993, costing Ethiopia its only direct access to the sea. Since then, Eritrea has become one of the world's most repressive and isolated regimes under Isaias Afwerki. In 2010, the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on the country. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video According to a new report by the US-based watchdog group The Sentry, Eritrea has used its involvement in the Tigray conflict to strengthen its position significantly. "We identified two clear patterns," said Charles Cater, lead investigator for The Sentry, in an interview with DW. "First, the systematic looting of Tigray during the war — factories were dismantled and moved across the border. Everything of value was taken to Eritrea." The second pattern, he said, was illicit trade: Eritrea profited from smuggling gold, sesame, cultural artifacts, and even people from Tigray. The resulting foreign currency is believed to have helped fund Eritrea's ongoing operations in Ethiopia. Another pivotal moment came in 2018, when Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace agreement, ending years of open hostility. Prime Minister Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the breakthrough — but Afwerki was left out, despite the deal helping to lift the UN arms embargo against Eritrea. The Sentry also documented how Eritrea subsequently bought weapons, including from Russia. In response, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel dismissed the report as a "fabricated narrative" meant to scapegoat Eritrea. The Eritrean military is reportedly strengthening its positions near the Tigray border and may have advanced up to 10 kilometers (6 miles) into Ethiopian territory, according to The Sentry. Both sides had previously agreed to a new border alignment during the 2018 thaw in relations. The Pretoria Agreement stipulated the withdrawal of all non-federal forces from Tigray — including Eritrean troops. It is now up to the Ethiopian government to find a political solution, both with Eritrea and with the divided TPLF, noted SWP's Gerrit Kurtz. "Abiy's strategy is to keep all domestic rivals weak enough that they can't unite against him. That means sometimes aligning with certain factions, while repressing others. But it's a high-stakes game," Kurtz said. Ethiopia is scheduled to hold national elections next year, and analysts warn that Abiy could use the Tigray crisis as political leverage. Since 2023, he has also revived calls for Ethiopia to secure its own access to the sea — a move that has already fueled diplomatic tensions with Somalia and led some to fear a potential military incursion into Eritrea. For now, Abiy has publicly reiterated his commitment to peace. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
DW
16-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Fears of war in Tigray: What role does Eritrea play? – DW – 07/16/2025
For months, tensions have been mounting in northern Ethiopia: Two and a half years after a peace deal, Eritrea appears intent on sowing instability. A new report traces how Asmara has quietly rearmed. "We can't plan anything at the moment — we're just trying to survive. A new war could break out tomorrow," said a woman in Mekele, the capital of Ethiopia's Tigray region. Speaking to DW, she describes a climate of fear that's gripped many residents. "Life has become incredibly expensive. We need a peaceful solution so we can return to work and rebuild our lives." Reports of troop movements and sporadic clashes have emerged in recent months, feeding concern that the fragile calm could soon collapse. The region is still reeling from the brutal two-year civil war between the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and federal government forces — a conflict that claimed an estimated 600,000 lives before it ended with the Pretoria peace agreement in November 2022. During that war, Eritrean troops supported Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's campaign against the TPLF. But critics warned at the time that peace would remain fragile without Eritrea at the negotiating table. President Isaias Afwerki, who has ruled Eritrea for decades, was notably absent from the talks in the South African's administrative capital, Pretoria. Now, growing fears of renewed violence point towards Eritrea's involvement. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Another destabilizing factor is the political turmoil within Tigray itself. The once-dominant TPLF has fractured after internal power struggles — a vulnerability Eritrea could potentially exploit. Following the split, General Tadesse Werede, former commander of the defeated Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), was appointed head of the Tigray interim government in Mekelle. He has urged caution against misinformation and vowed, "There will be no war and no provocation from Tigray's side." On the other side of the divide is TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael. His faction has been accused of cooperating with Eritrea — a claim it strongly denies. Debretsion has called for a political resolution grounded in the Pretoria agreement: "We urge the international community to pressure the Ethiopian government, its agents, and allies to refrain from preparing for war." Despite these reassurances, fear is spreading among civilians. "People are withdrawing their money from banks and stockpiling essentials like oil and teff [an Ethiopian cereal]," a resident of Mekele told DW. He called on both TPLF factions "to step aside — or to use their influence to work with the central government to resolve the crisis and prevent war." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video A full-scale inter-state war may be unlikely, but proxy conflicts are a real possibility, said Gerrit Kurtz, Horn of Africa expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), a Berlin-based think tank. "Eritrea benefits when Ethiopia is weakened — when it's internally fragmented and beset by local conflicts," Kurtz told DW. "That's why the internal crises we've seen over the past few years — many of which are supported, or at least exploited, by Eritrea — serve its strategic interests." Observers say Eritrea has trained armed groups inside Ethiopia — including, reportedly, the Fano militia in Amhara region. In March, Fano fighters clashed with Ethiopian federal troops in a two-day battle that, according to Addis Ababa, left more than 300 militia members dead. Eritrea has a long and contentious history with Ethiopia. After colonial rule ended, the country was absorbed into a federation with Ethiopia in 1952, and later forcibly annexed — a move that sparked a decades-long independence struggle. Eritrea finally broke away in 1993, costing Ethiopia its only direct access to the sea. Since then, Eritrea has become one of the world's most repressive and isolated regimes under Isaias Afwerki. In 2010, the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on the country. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video According to a new report by the US-based watchdog group The Sentry, Eritrea has used its involvement in the Tigray conflict to strengthen its position significantly. "We identified two clear patterns," said Charles Cater, lead investigator for The Sentry, in an interview with DW. "First, the systematic looting of Tigray during the war — factories were dismantled and moved across the border. Everything of value was taken to Eritrea." The second pattern, he said, was illicit trade: Eritrea profited from smuggling gold, sesame, cultural artifacts, and even people from Tigray. The resulting foreign currency is believed to have helped fund Eritrea's ongoing operations in Ethiopia. Another pivotal moment came in 2018, when Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace agreement, ending years of open hostility. Prime Minister Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the breakthrough — but Afwerki was left out, despite the deal helping to lift the UN arms embargo against Eritrea. The Sentry also documented how Eritrea subsequently bought weapons, including from Russia. In response, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel dismissed the report as a "fabricated narrative" meant to scapegoat Eritrea. The Eritrean military is reportedly strengthening its positions near the Tigray border and may have advanced up to 10 kilometers (6 miles) into Ethiopian territory, according to The Sentry. Both sides had previously agreed to a new border alignment during the 2018 thaw in relations. The Pretoria Agreement stipulated the withdrawal of all non-federal forces from Tigray — including Eritrean troops. It is now up to the Ethiopian government to find a political solution, both with Eritrea and with the divided TPLF, noted SWP's Gerrit Kurtz. "Abiy's strategy is to keep all domestic rivals weak enough that they can't unite against him. That means sometimes aligning with certain factions, while repressing others. But it's a high-stakes game," Kurtz said. Ethiopia is scheduled to hold national elections next year, and analysts warn that Abiy could use the Tigray crisis as political leverage. Since 2023, he has also revived calls for Ethiopia to secure its own access to the sea — a move that has already fueled diplomatic tensions with Somalia and led some to fear a potential military incursion into Eritrea. For now, Abiy has publicly reiterated his commitment to peace. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
Daily News Egypt
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Daily News Egypt
TPLF Rejects Abiy's War Claims, Invites AU to Verify Peace Stance
The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) has issued a firm denial in response to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's recent warning about a potential new conflict in northern Ethiopia, insisting that the group has neither interest in nor preparation for war. In a statement released on Saturday, the TPLF dismissed allegations made by the Prime Minister during his address to parliament earlier this week, in which he warned that another war could be 'more devastating than the last' and called on religious leaders and diplomats to intervene preemptively. Abiy had hinted that certain foreign actors may be emboldening TPLF ambitions, alluding to what he described as assumptions that 'some countries would support us if war broke out.' The federal government has repeatedly accused Eritrea of backing the TPLF to destabilize northern Ethiopia — a charge that has gained new attention following unconfirmed reports of coordination between TPLF forces and the Eritrean military, especially in the disputed Zalambessa border area. The TPLF, however, has rejected these allegations and invited mediators from the African Union as well as international observers to visit Tigray and 'see the reality on the ground.' According to DW Amharic, the group stated that religious leaders, academics, and business figures could all verify that Tigray remains committed to peace. Despite these assurances, concerns persist over TPLF movements in the contested Wolkait region, where local sources report that Tigrayan forces have mobilized from three directions in an apparent attempt to regain control of the territory. Wolkait was originally part of the Gondar province but was absorbed into the Tigray region in 1991 under TPLF rule. It reverted to Amhara control following the 2020–2022 war, which began when TPLF forces allegedly attacked the federal Northern Command in Tigray. The TPLF maintains that its claim to Wolkait is grounded in the Pretoria Agreement signed in November 2022, citing provisions that call for the 'constitutional resolution of contested areas.' Yet, the group's continued military presence — reportedly exceeding 200,000 armed personnel — has drawn criticism for undermining commitments to disarm. Adding to the complexity, a breakaway faction from the TPLF's military wing has emerged under the name 'Tigray Peace Force' (TPF). This group, reportedly training in Ethiopia's Afar region, is said to oppose both the TPLF leadership and its alleged alignment with Eritrea. Although independent verification remains limited, credible reports suggest TPF units have already crossed into Tigray, raising fears of internal fragmentation within the region's armed forces. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has not issued any formal comment on the developments, but observers warn that continued militarization of disputed zones may jeopardize the fragile peace built since 2022. The TPLF's statement closes with a renewed call for dialogue and constitutional mechanisms to resolve territorial disputes — but tensions on the ground suggest that political assurances alone may not be enough to prevent renewed violence.
Daily News Egypt
05-07-2025
- Politics
- Daily News Egypt
Rival Tigrayan Factions Clash in South Tigray, Sparking Fears of Renewed Conflict
Fresh armed clashes have erupted in Ethiopia's Tigray region between rival Tigrayan factions, raising concerns of renewed intra-regional violence at a time when northern Ethiopia remains fragile. According to local sources, the Tigray Defense Force (TDF), aligned with the Debretsion-led faction of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), has reportedly engaged militarily with another emerging armed group known as the 'Tigray Peace Force' (TPF). The incident reportedly occurred in the Alasa locality of Wajra, a zone in southern Tigray near the border with Ethiopia's Afar region. Local media outlet Ethio Focus reported that TDF forces used mortar and DShK heavy machine guns in the attack, though no confirmed casualties have yet been reported. The TPF, which only formally adopted its name earlier this week, is believed to have entered Tigray from neighboring Afar, where it had been organizing a resistance movement against what it considers the alliance of Debretsion's TPLF faction and the Eritrean government. Observers say the TPF has positioned itself as a rival force challenging the influence of TDF and its reported political-military alignment with Eritrea. Sources close to the situation suggest that the TDF deployment of nearly 50 trucks of troops to the area was led by General Yohannes, also known as 'John Medid,' a powerful TDF commander and close ally of Debretsion Gebremichael. General Yohannes is said to have acted to reinforce the faction's control over South Tigray, an area that has strategic and symbolic significance. Meanwhile, Brigadier General Gebreegziabher Beyene, reportedly aligned with the Tigray Peace Force, is said to have advised restraint, and no retaliatory strikes were confirmed as of Thursday afternoon. The lack of immediate escalation, however, has not prevented widespread concern. Several Tigrayan opposition groups have condemned the confrontation, warning that the region — which has already suffered years of war, displacement, and humanitarian crisis — cannot afford another round of internal bloodshed. 'Tigray must not be plunged into another war,' one regional political figure told Borkena, calling for 'immediate mediation between the factions.' The tensions are further complicated by accusations of foreign interference. The TDF is widely seen by critics as a proxy for Eritrean interests, particularly since the reported formation of a new political-military alliance known as Tsemdo, uniting Debretsion's TPLF faction and the Eritrean government. Reports indicate that this faction has received advanced weaponry, including drones, possibly with support from unnamed external actors — although these claims remain unverified. On the other hand, the Tigray Peace Force is viewed by some observers as having tacit backing from Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's federal government, which has warned against 'unauthorized foreign alliances' and repeatedly accused Eritrea of fueling instability in the north. Eritrea, for its part, denies involvement. The emergence of competing armed factions, each potentially backed by rival governments, has alarmed analysts and rights groups. If not contained, the confrontation could trigger a new front of civil conflict in an already volatile region. As of Thursday evening, calls are mounting for regional leaders and international mediators to intervene before the situation escalates into another full-blown crisis.
