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Business Standard
01-07-2025
- Business
- Business Standard
Union Cabinet clears ₹1 trillion RDI scheme to fund innovation in tech
The Union Cabinet on Tuesday approved the Research Development and Innovation (RDI) Scheme announced in the July Budget last year, with a corpus of Rs 1 trillion to provide risk capital to strategic and sunrise sectors, Information and Broadcasting Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said. The scope of the scheme would range from energy security and transition to quantum computing, robotics, biotechnology and artificial intelligence, the government has said. The scheme aims to provide long-term financing or refinancing with long tenors at low or nil interest rates to spur private sector investment in RDI through a two-tiered structure. The flow of funds would take place through grant of 50-year interest-free loans to the Anusandhan National Research Foundation (ANRF), chaired by the Prime Minister. ANRF would then give long-term concessional loans to second-level fund managers such as Alternative Investment Funds, Development Finance Institutions and Non-Banking Financial Companies. These second-level fund managers would then finance individual projects. The scheme would also facilitate setting up of a Deep-Tech Fund of Funds, finance transformative projects at higher levels of technology, and support acquisition of critical technologies of high strategic importance. 'There is an urgent need for funding innovation. It is definitely needed. Globally, governments in countries like the US have financed the National Science Fund,' said economist N R Bhanumurthy. The Department of Science and Technology (DST) will serve as the nodal department for implementation of the scheme. The Governing Board of ANRF will provide overarching strategic direction to the RDI Scheme and its Executive Council would recommend the guidelines for the scheme and second-level fund managers along with the scope and type of projects in sunrise sectors. 'By addressing the critical need of private sector for long-term, affordable financing, the RDI Scheme fosters self-reliance and global competitiveness, thereby facilitating a conducive innovation ecosystem for the country as it marches towards Viksit Bharat at 2047,' a press statement by the government said. Changes to the scheme, sectors or the type of projects, as well as second-level fund managers, would be approved by an Empowered Group of Secretaries led by the Cabinet Secretary, the statement said. The focus of the scheme would include the digital economy, including digital agriculture, technologies required for strategic reasons, economic security, self-reliance and public interest. The scheme would support artificial intelligence and its application to India-specific challenges in agriculture, health and education. The press statement by the government said, 'The scheme has been designed to overcome the constraints and challenges in funding of the private sector and seeks to provide growth and risk capital to sunrise and strategic sectors to facilitate innovation, promote adoption of technology and enhance competitiveness.'
Scroll.in
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
The Emergency is 50 years old, but film censorship is still flourishing
On June 25 exactly 50 years ago, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a national Emergency. Between 1975 and 1977, Gandhi and her son Sanjay Gandhi presided over the suspension of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Consitution and the arrests of opposition leaders and pro-democracy activists. June 25 will be marked as 'Samvidhan Hatya Diwas' (Murder of the Constitution) by the Union government – which is ironic, given the sustained attacks on the freedom of expression on its watch. The Emergency's victims included filmmakers. One of the most shocking instances of censorship was the treatment accorded to Amrit Nahata's Kissa Kursi Ka (The Tale of the Seat of Power). Nahata's satire about corruption and cronyism under Indira Gandhi was completed in April 1975. Not only was the film subjected to 51 cuts and then banned, Union Information and Broadcasting Minister VC Shukla had all existing prints physically destroyed. In 1978, when the Congress had been defeated and the Janata Party took power, Nahata remade Kissa Kursi Ka. But the new version did not escape scrutiny either. Nahata's son, Rakesh Nahata, told Scroll in 2015: 'Twenty-five cuts were ordered – once people come to power, they change their position and the truth is never allowed to come out.' Would an updated Kissa Kursi Ka about the current regime face the same fate? Films are now stored on digital copies rather than celluloid prints, making the physical destruction of films difficult, if not impossible. But there will be other ways to undermine or vapourise a story of high-level graft, a cabal operating with impunity, and the oppression visited upon ordinary citizens. Play The Emergency's fiftieth anniversary has justly inspired debates about Indira Gandhi's legacy, the complicity of India's elites in her tryst with tyranny and the effects of her diktats on Parliament, the judiciary and the media. All these conversations are especially relevant in this dark age of censorship for films, documentaries and streaming shows. The Information and Broadcasting Ministry-run Central Board of Film Certification, informally – and correctly – called the censor board, is hard at work to unearth anything that could be deemed offensive, 'anti-national' or, more likely, critical of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led regime. Conversely, films that parrot the government line are valourised. The recently released Sitaare Zameen Par, starring Aamir Khan as a coach who trains basketball players with intellectual disabilities, had to remove the word 'kamal', or lotus, from a scene. The aquatic flower is the BJP's electoral symbol. The film was also required to carry a statement from Modi declaring that India would ensure inclusivity to physically and intellectually challenged Indians by 2047. Apart from being the centenary of Indian Independence, 2047 is the year by when the BJP government has promised to achieve 'Viksit Bharat', or a developed India. The board has also been busy punishing filmmakers who missed the memo about according due respect to aspects of Indian culture that have been co-opted by the Hindutva movement, of which the BJP is the political arm. The board recently stalled two Malayalam films with characters named Janaki – one of them starring Union Minister and BJP member Suresh Gopi. According to media reports, this was because Janaki is another name for Sita, the heroine of the Ramayana epic. Attended a special screening of the film, "The Sabarmati Report," in the GMC Balayogi Auditorium, Parliament, on December 2, 2024, with the Honorable Prime Minister and other senior leaders. — Suressh Gopi (@TheSureshGopi) December 3, 2024 Janaki Vs State of Kerala, in which Gopi plays a lawyer representing a sexual assault survivor, faced objections from the board because of its title. In the upcoming Malayalam movie, Token Number, a character called Janaki Abraham will now be known as Jayanthi. In both cases, the films were cleared by the board's Thiruvanthapuram office – one of nine such centres in the country . But they were then sent forward to the headquarters in Mumbai. The second set of censors in Mumbai – known as the revising committee – suggested the changes, reports stated. Until 2021, a three-tiered certification process was followed: an initial examining committee, a revising committee and the Film Certification Appellate Tribunal. The appellate tribunal served as the final court of appeal within the Central Board of Film Certification, allowing filmmakers to contest adverse rulings. If these measures failed, filmmakers could file petitions in the courts. In 2021, the government scrapped the tribunal, leaving filmmakers at the mercy of the censors. Only producers with deep pockets and the stomach for litigating against a muscular regime will challenge censorship in the courts. This has been the case with Honey Trehan's Punjab '95, about enforced disappearances and extra-judicial killings during counterinsurgency operations in Punjab in the 1980s and 1990s. Trehan's movie explores the excesses committed by security forces through the story of the human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra (Diljit Dosanjh), who vanished during an investigation that indicted senior police officials. Punjab '95 has endured the kind of censorship that the BJP would have denounced as draconian had it not been in power. Citing the sensitivity of the subject matter, the makers have been repeatedly asked to make cuts – over 120 so far. The producers have appealed against the cuts in the Bombay High Court, but no decision has been reached. The required excisions include dropping references to human right abuses and the very identity of the police force. It they are carried out, Punjab '95 will be altered beyond recognition. The censor board has always controlled Indian cinema. Since movies cannot be shown in theatres without a censor certificate, both filmmakers and audiences have always known that everything on the screen has been granted the imprimatur of the Central Board of Film Certification. That oversight extends to film festivals. Organisers need to clear their selections with the ministry. Streaming platforms, on their part, follow a self-regulated code of conduct. The BJP is hardly alone in opposing contrary viewpoints. Right from the colonial era through various Congress or non-Congress government since Independence, rulers have never been able to resist telling Indians what they may or may not watch. Narendra Modi's elevation as prime minister in 2014 came with the promise of sweeping out the old and ushering in the new. But censorship has only increased, whether imposed by the government or other forces. Films or shows inspired by actual incidents, biopics on personalities who have been declared adversaries of the state, critiques of government policies, the names of characters, a saffron flag or a lotus – the government is hyper-sensitive to any expression that does not conform to its monolithic worldview. Censorship works beyond the remit of the Central Board of Film Certification, as was evident in the cases filed against the Prime Video series Tandav (2021) and the manner in which Netflix shelved the film Tees. While it has never been easy to pursue political projects, what is sorely lacking now is a balancing force, a neutral body that can mediate between the rampaging censor board and a filmmaker's right to creativity. Without bodies such as the Film Certification Appellate Tribunal and in the absence of governmental intervention when the censor board acts arbitrarily, filmmakers have learnt that survival requires them to silence themselves. While the Kissa Kursi Ka outrage took place under Indira Gandhi, there were instances when she prevailed in battles between the censors and filmmakers, such as with MS Sathyu's Garm Hava (1974). Sathyu's masterpiece about a Muslim family's travails after Partition had been held back by the censor board but cleared after Gandhi's intervention. If there are similar meditations taking place behind the scenes now, the public is not hearing about them. In the old days, reports of censors taking ridiculous measures to protect the nation's moral fibre would prompt mirth and ridicule. The replacement of a kiss with a shot of two quivering flowers being pulled together, the bowdlerisation of sexually tinged scenes or song lyrics – these restrictions continue but have been overtaken by far greater assaults on free speech. Censorship is never funny. Yet, some filmmakers have attempted to see the light side of mind control. In a throwaway moment in Sai Paranjpye's Katha (1982), the lovable rapscallion Bashu (Farooque Shaikh) starts telling his neighbours a joke about 'an American, a Russian and an Indian who are walking by a women's hostel'. The joke must have been good since the men laugh uproariously, but we never hear the rest of it. Paranjpye mutes the sound and places the word 'censored' in capital letters on the screen. Her mischievous dig made it past the censor board in the 1980s. Today, it is likely that Paranjpye would have had to cut out the scene altogether.
The Hindu
21-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
DMK attempting to conceal its fear of defeat: L. Murugan
Union Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting L. Murugan on Saturday (June 21, 2025) said the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), gripped by fear of defeat, has launched several unsuccessful campaigns — including opposition to delimitation and NEET — in a bid to conceal its growing anxiety. Speaking to reporters on the sidelines of the International Yoga Day celebrations at the National Institute of Siddha in Tambaram, Mr. Murugan said, 'The DMK lacks public support, as people have clearly made up their minds after witnessing the country's development over the past 10 years.' International Yoga Day LIVE updates: Andhra Pradesh bags Guinness record for IDY 2025 Responding to a question on Union Home Minister Amit Shah's recent remark that those who speak English in India would 'soon feel ashamed,' Mr. Murugan said, 'Amit Shah ji made that statement in the context of shedding the colonial mindset. Since the BJP came to power at the Centre in 2014, our government has taken various steps to promote Indian tradition, culture, and languages. The National Education Policy also emphasises learning Indian languages in addition to one's mother tongue.' Further, the Minister said that lakhs of Lord Muruga devotees from around the world are expected to participate in the Muruga Bhaktargalin Aanmeega Maanadu, to be held in Madurai on June 22.
Hans India
03-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Hans India
WAVES 2025: First-ever White Paper on India's live events economy unveiled
Mumbai: Union Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting, L. Murugan, on Saturday unveiled a first-of-its-kind White Paper that presents a comprehensive analysis of India's rapidly expanding live entertainment industry -- highlighting emerging trends, growth trajectories and strategic recommendations for the sector's continued evolution. Commissioned by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, the White Paper, launched in the presence of Sanjay Jaju, Secretary, I&B Ministry, focuses on India's live events landscape which is undergoing a transformation. The period from 2024 to 2025 marks a defining inflection point, with international acts such as Coldplay performing in Ahmedabad and Mumbai, signalling India's readiness to host global-scale events. According to the ministry, key trends in the sector include the rise of event tourism, with nearly half a million attendees traveling specifically for live music events — indicating the emergence of a robust music-tourism economy. Premium ticketing segments -- such as VIP experiences, curated access, and luxury hospitality -- have witnessed over 100 per cent year-on-year growth, pointing to an increasingly experience-driven audience. Participation from tier 2 cities has surged, driven by multi-city tours and the growing popularity of regional festivals. 'Live entertainment is not a side note to India's creative economy anymore; it is a strategic lever that stimulates employment and drives skill development. Large-scale events in the current landscape typically generate approximately 2,000 to 5,000 temporary jobs each, underscoring the sector's growing role in supporting livelihoods and fostering a dynamic workforce,' said the I&B Ministry. The event also saw the launch of key reports, including the 'Statistical Handbook on Media & Entertainment Sector 2024-25' by I&B Ministry, among others. According to the ministry, India is on track to position itself as one of the top five live entertainment destinations globally by 2030, unlocking new avenues for economic growth, employment generation, tourism, and enhanced global cultural presence.
