Unification Church's No. 2 executive draws scrutiny over bribery allegations
According to a report by The Hankyoreh, Jung is widely recognized as the de facto second-in-command, operating directly under church head Hak-ja Han.
In a notarized letter to church authorities, Young-ho Yoon, the former director-general of the church's World Headquarters and now under investigation, named Jung in connection with the delivery of luxury gifts -- including Chanel handbags and a Graff diamond necklace -- to former First Lady Keon-hee Kim, wife of the recently impeached former President of South Korea Suk-yeol Yoon.
The gifts allegedly were funneled through Seong-bae Jeon, a spiritual figure known publicly as "Geonjin Beopsa."
Yoon claimed to submit internal records linking Jung to the operation and requested that she face equivalent disciplinary action. His statement challenges the official church narrative that the gift transfer was merely an isolated case of individual misconduct.
The Hankyoreh reported that Jung, as deputy director of the Cheonmu Institute, is considered internally to be "the effective No. 2 figure in the church hierarchy," suggesting she wields considerable influence over the organization's strategy and finances.
Although subject to a travel restriction, Jung was granted permission to leave South Korea to visit her critically ill husband in the United States. It appears she has not yet returned from the United States to South Korea.
Meanwhile, in South Korea, there is ongoing investigation and growing public demands for accountability. Her prolonged absence amid escalating legal exposure has led to speculation that she may be avoiding potential legal consequences.
While she has not yet been formally indicted, prosecutors are believed to be examining her role in key decision-making processes and internal coordination, including allegations of document destruction tied to ongoing investigations.
Public scrutiny of Jung has intensified due to her close connections to major media outlets affiliated with the Unification Church. Her younger brother, Hee-taek Jung, is currently the president of Segye Ilbo (Segye Times), a South Korean daily owned by the church's media arm. Jung's husband's younger brother is Tom McDevitt, the current chairman of The Washington Times, the U.S. newspaper funded by the church.
These family ties have raised concerns about potential conflicts of interest and the influence of internal media networks in shaping narratives surrounding the ongoing investigation.
Prosecutors have already executed search and seizure operations at the National Police Agency and Chuncheon Police Station on July 8, targeting communications and financial records tied to earlier church-related investigations.
While no formal indictments have been announced against Jung, Special Prosecutor Sang-jin Park confirmed -- according to a DongA Ilbo report on July 8 -- that his office is preparing to summon senior Unification Church figures, including Won-joo Jung and former World Headquarters director Young-ho Yoon, for questioning as part of its expanding investigation into alleged bribery, embezzlement, and obstruction of justice.
Though Hak-ja Han remains the public face of the Unification Church, insiders and former members describe Jung as a behind-the-scenes operator with sweeping authority over the church's administration, finances, and crisis management. She has reportedly been involved in overseeing responses to allegations involving the misuse of church funds -- some of which were allegedly spent on gambling trips in Las Vegas.
Her high-level authority, absence abroad, and looming summons suggest she may be a pivotal figure in unraveling the deeper structure of influence within the church's leadership.
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Los Angeles Times
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UPI
a day ago
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UPI
2 days ago
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This "manufacturing partnership card" proposes a win-win strategy: Korea contributes its industrial strengths -- particularly in shipbuilding and high-tech manufacturing -- to support the United States' manufacturing revival. Yeo Han-koo, Korea's chief trade negotiator at the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy, emphasized that fields such as AI, semiconductors, automobiles, batteries, energy, and biotechnology are sectors in which the United States needs cooperation --and Korea has unmatched capabilities. If negotiations proceed constructively, he said, both countries stand to benefit. He added that the strategy is to tie tariff talks with mid-to-long-term industrial and technological partnerships, creating what he called a "positive-sum" outcome -- contrary to the usual zero-sum dynamics of trade negotiations. At its core, however, the United States. sweeping reciprocal tariff push is a fiscal strategy to shrink America's ballooning trade deficit and stabilize national finances. In 2024, the nation recorded an all-time-high trade deficit of $918.4 billion, a 17% increase from 2023. This alarming figure appears to have triggered Trump's aggressive tariff campaign. In this context, it's unclear whether Washington will entertain Korea's broader industrial cooperation proposals when its immediate concern is extinguishing the "fire at its feet." Still, viewed from another angle, America is indeed struggling with its own manufacturing revival. The real challenge lies in attracting global investment and technical expertise to rejuvenate its aging industrial base. For Korea, two concrete proposals stand out: the Alaska LNG project and shipbuilding collaboration. In March, Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy visited Asia -- including South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand -- to promote participation in the Alaska LNG initiative. The outcome has been promising. Taiwan's state-owned CPC signed a letter of intent to purchase LNG and participate in the project. Thailand's energy giant, PTT, also sealed a strategic deal with U.S.-based Glenfarne to import 2 million tons of Alaska LNG annually for 20 years. Now, the United States is urging South Korea and Japan to follow suit with active participation. Shipbuilding is an even more direct area in which Trump personally signaled interest in Korea's cooperation. In a phone call shortly after his election in November 2024 with then-President Yoon Suk-yeol, Trump proposed Korean collaboration not only in warship construction, but also in repair and maintenance. The United States, locked in an intense arms race with China, plans to expand its Navy from the current 296 ships to 390 by 2055. Washington believes that South Korea is the only country in the world capable of building high-performance warships at a speed comparable to China's and at a quality rivaling those made in the United States. In this way, President Trump is pursuing two objectives simultaneously: resolving trade disputes and reviving U.S. manufacturing. Here, Korea's unique strength lies not just in its technology, but in its industrial spirit. As chief negotiator Yeo pointed out, Korea leads globally in critical sectors like AI, semiconductors, batteries, and biotech -- all of which are essential to U.S. ambitions. Korea's negotiating team has proposed that enhancing manufacturing cooperation could help usher in a U.S. manufacturing renaissance. But there's a key point that must not be overlooked: investment and technology transfer alone won't persuade America. Many countries possess comparable manufacturing technologies. What sets Korea apart is its unparalleled development experience -- having risen from one of the world's poorest nations in the 1960s to a manufacturing powerhouse. That legacy was built on grit, resilience and the Korean spirit -- a resource more valuable than any patent. This is where Korea must negotiate from strength, not just offering technology, but sharing the soul of its industrial journey. If American workers can absorb the determination that has driven Korean industry for 60 years, the United States may not only build its manufacturing base, but also sustain it for the long term. One example of this vision in action is the training exchange program initiated by Hanwha Ocean, which now operates Hanwah Philly Shipyard,, formerly known at the Philadelphia Shipyard, a major U.S. defense contractor it acquired in June 2024. Hanwha Ocean is preparing a rotational training program for American workers at its Korean shipyards. While about 50 Korean experts are already in the United States transferring knowledge on high-value shipbuilding, the goal is to immerse U.S. workers directly in Korea's advanced production environments -- from dock scheduling to modular construction. Through this program, American workers will not only gain technical skills, but also learn the Korean spirit of perseverance and excellence that powered its shipbuilding success. To further revitalize the shipyard, Hanwha is introducing its cutting-edge "Smart Yard" system -- an AI-driven, interconnected and automated shipbuilding infrastructure. This includes full digitalization of component data, real-time GPS tracking of parts, robotic welding systems and VR-based training modules. While such systems remain unfamiliar in U.S. yards, they are widely adopted in Korea and could significantly boost America's naval competitiveness. This is a model of true industrial and technological partnership. It recalls the legacy of Hyundai founder Chung Ju-yung, who once carried a 500 won note with a turtle ship on it to a London bank to secure financing for Korea's fledgling shipbuilding industry -- at a time when Korea didn't even have a dock. Or the determination of POSCO founder Park Tae-joon, who built a world-class steel company despite naysayers who bet he'd fail. Or the grit of Samsung founder Lee Byung-chul, who boldly entered the semiconductor race late and built it into the world's largest memory chipmaker. If these stories of Korean resolve, vision and industrial might are successfully transferred to American manufacturing, Trump's long-sought dream of a U.S. manufacturing renaissance may finally become reality. Even in the age of AI, manufacturing is still about people. And when that foundation is laid, perhaps Korea can say to America -- with sincerity and strength: "Let's go together."
