Farmer groups to step up campaign against FTA with U.S.
The SKM said, in a statement on Monday (July 21, 2025), that the general body has also called for nationwide protests against the deal as it could act against the interests of farmers.
The SKM will observe August 13 as 'Corporations Quit India Day' and said it seriously apprehends that the Narendra Modi government is surrendering to the diktats of the 'U.S. Imperialism' to sign the free trade agreement (FTA). The SKM said such an agreement could lead to opening up of agriculture, dairy and food markets and that will hurt the interests of the people.
'The FTA is supposed to come into effect by August 1, 2025. August 9 is the 83rd anniversary of the Quit India Day movement against British colonialism. To protest the BJP-led NDA government's moves to accept USA's pressures and increase imports of food and dairy items, including Genetically Modified foods and penetration of multinational corporations in food markets, SKM will issue a mass warning through these mass protests,' the statement said.
'Peasants will raise the slogan 'Corporations Quit India' on August 13 by organising tractor/ motor vehicle parades and protest demonstrations and burn effigies of the US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi,' the statement added.
The meeting congratulated the leadership of the united trade union movement for the strike action on July 9. 'This was the 22nd general strike since the invention of neo-liberal policies and its success has filled confidence to all the democratic sections in the society that the entire working people are ready to fight back the anti-people policies of the ruling classes,' the statement said.
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The Wire
7 minutes ago
- The Wire
The Rhetoric of Social Justice Ignores the Need for it
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The continued marginalisation of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes from the sphere of power and privileges, raise questions about the commitment of the state and the political elites to bring transformative change in their lives. The Indian constitution lays a robust framework for uplifting SCs and STs through three key pillars: protection from social humiliation and exploitation with provisions like the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, ensuring that their social dignity and civic rights are safeguarded, equitable representation through reservations in state institutions that allows these groups to avail themselves crucial positions of power and privileges in governance, and last, advancing economic empowerment via dedicated budgetary provisions and policy initiatives. Policy measures like the special component plan for SCs and STs in the state budget were introduced to ensure financial assistance for the economic empowerment of these sections. However, implementation has been inconsistent on all three fronts, often with token value, leaving large sections of these communities outside the ambit of social justice policies. Persistent social injustices Despite substantive legal safeguards like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, caste-based discrimination persists. The National Crime Records Bureau recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs and 10,062 against STs in 2022, reflecting deep-rooted systemic oppression and the limit of the state machinery to curb the menace. From rural areas, where Dalit people face violence for minor assertions of dignity, to urban centres, where discrimination in housing and employment is rampant, caste continues to shape access to opportunities. Such incidents are witnessed even in the arena of state institutions like universities (the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula) and legislative bodies (which see little discussion on the issues of caste-based violence). This underscores the failure of the governing classes to enforce protective measures effectively. Reservation: A partial success The reservation policy, designed to ensure SC and ST representation in state institutions, has seen uneven progress. While lower-level posts (Group C and D) in public sector units like railways and banks are often filled, senior positions remain largely inaccessible to marginalised groups even now. Especially in higher education, leadership roles such as vice-chancellors and professors are predominantly occupied by unreserved categories, highlighting structural barriers. Similarly, in the higher judiciary, SC and ST representation among judges and key functionaries is negligible, undermining the promise of equitable participation. The downsizing of public sector units has further eroded opportunities for reserved posts, exacerbating their economic exclusion. The positions of power and privileges in major state institutions are dominated by the social elites. Further, the political class and civil society have failed to engage in crucial deliberation to make private economy more inclusive with the increased participation Dalit and Adivasis. They mostly survive as the precarious labour class, distanced from the entitlements and privileges enjoyed by the middle-class. Economic marginalisation One of the major objectives of the special component plan for SCs and STs is to provide income generating assets and skill so as to enable the marginalised social groups to have a sustained economic upliftment. It intends to advance composite economic development programmes to elevate their class position. Even such a significant initiative has often been reduced to a symbolic gesture today. Exclusive funds meant for SC and ST welfare are frequently underutilised or diverted, with successive governments failing to prioritise these allocations for a substantive welfare of these groups. 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While the ruling dispensation under the BJP has often pledged to uphold the ideals of social justice, its decade-long tenure has seen a steady rise in caste-based violence and a dilution of policies aimed at SC and ST upliftment. Though at the symbolic level it offered prominent political gestures (like naming Draupadi Murmu the president of India), there is an absence of new initiatives to enhance their representation in public and private sectors. The growing political rhetoric on social justice shall complement with substantive executive orders and fair implementation of policies. However, the governing elites hardly felt any moral pressure to perform under constitutional directives. Further, within the democratic polity, the Dalit-Adivasi claims for social justice and inclusivity have weakened or relegated to negligible space. Their movements are quelled and not allowed to flourish. 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United News of India
7 minutes ago
- United News of India
LS, RS proceedings disrupted, adjourned till 2 pm amid ruckus by Opposition
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First Post
7 minutes ago
- First Post
Double whammy for Japan: Decline of Ishiba's LDP, and rise of far right
After back-to-back defeats in both houses—a historic first in 70 years for the Liberal Democratic Party—the latest Upper House loss may well signal that time is running out for PM Shigeru Ishiba. At the same time, a far-right surge has unmistakably reached Japan's shores read more Japan's Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba attends a press conference at the headquarters of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Tokyo on July 21, 2025, the day after the prime minister's coalition lost its upper house majority. File Image/Pool via Reuters With the results of Japan's latest upper house (House of Councillors) election held on Sunday, July 20, trickling in, voters have dealt a double blow to the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior partner, the Buddhist Komeito party. Held just nine months after Ishiba assumed the prime ministership, the election served as a strong rebuke to both the prime minister and the LDP—Japan's historically dominant party. Under Ishiba's leadership, the coalition has now suffered two consecutive defeats in national elections in under a year—in the lower house (October 2024), and in upper house now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD First Time in Seven Decades Of the 248 seats in the upper chamber, 125 were contested in Sunday's election. The LDP and Komeito needed to retain at least 50 of their combined 66 seats to maintain their majority. They fell short, winning only 47 seats—better than early projections, but not enough to hold control. This marks the first time since World War II, and in the LDP's 70-year history, that an LDP-led coalition does not hold a majority in either house of Japan's national legislature—the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. Results Decoded According to NHK's Monday, July 21 morning projections, the results break down as follows: The LDP is likely to win 39 seats, and its partner Komeito 8 seats, for a total of 47. The main opposition, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP), is projected to secure 21 seats. The populist conservative Democratic Party for the People (DPP), with only four incumbents up for re-election, is expected to win 17 seats. The surprise of the election is the far-right Sanseito party, which had just one seat going in but is projected to win 14. Sanseito ran a staunchly anti-immigration campaign under the slogan 'Japanese First'. Nippon Ishin no Kai is projected to win seven seats. The Japanese Communist Party and Reiwa Shinsengumi are expected to win three seats each. And the Real Winner Is… Mirroring a broader trend seen across Europe and beyond, Japan's latest election signals the rising clout of far-right and anti-establishment forces. Once relatively insulated from such movements, Japan has now joined this global wave. The standout winners in Sunday's election are two far-right parties—Sanseito and the Democratic Party for the People—both of which didn't exist five years ago. These parties, with their populist messages, have made significant inroads, particularly among younger voters. Most notable is Sanseito's dramatic leap from one seat to 14. The five-year-old party campaigned on the idea that Japan is under a 'silent invasion' from foreigners, claiming foreign investment and tourism have made the country an 'economic colony'. They described reliance on foreign labor as a 'national doping scheme'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sanseito has signaled its intent to join a coalition government after the next Lower House election—a possibility experts believe could gain traction amid mounting anti-LDP sentiment. The Double Whammy This comes on the heels of an earlier defeat in the more powerful Lower House election in October 2024, when Ishiba's coalition lost its majority in the 465-seat chamber. That loss was widely seen as voter punishment for numerous financial scandals. The ruling bloc's seat count fell from 279 to just 215—their worst performance since briefly losing power in 2009. The Lower House, unlike the Upper House, selects the prime minister and can override the upper chamber on budgets and legislation. To Stay On Despite the double setback, Ishiba has resisted calls to step down. In interviews with NHK on July 20 and a press conference on July 21, he made it clear he intends to remain in office to fulfill his campaign pledges. 'We've received an extremely harsh judgment from the public,' Ishiba acknowledged at LDP headquarters. '(The result) was extremely deplorable. I apologise.' But he added, 'We will not allow stagnation in national politics.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He cited ongoing tariff talks with the United States, rising prices, and the looming threat of a major earthquake in Tokyo as reasons to stay. 'Such things do not wait for the political situation to be settled,' he said. Regarding US trade negotiations, he added, 'With the new date of August 1st in mind, I want to reach an agreement that benefits both Japan and the United States based on the idea of investments, rather than tariffs.' Dismal Approval Rating Public approval for Ishiba's cabinet has been low since he took office in October 2024. According to the latest Jiji Press survey, approval dropped 6.2 points in July to just 20.8 per cent—the lowest since his administration began. Meanwhile, disapproval surged by 6.6 points to 55.0 per cent. The reasons cited include lack of hope (29.7 per cent), lack of leadership (21.9 per cent), and disapproval of policies (21.6 per cent). Election Issues Economy: The top issue for voters was the economy—particularly rising prices following decades of stagnation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Wage Stagnation: While wages have increased somewhat, they haven't kept pace with the cost of living. Spike in Rice Prices: A key frustration has been the sharp rise in rice prices, attributed to government failure in balancing supply and demand. Trump Tariffs: Japan's export-reliant economy is grappling with the unpredictability of former US President Trump's on-again, off-again tariff threats. In June, inflation rose by 3.3 per cent compared to a year earlier, while real wages fell 2.9 percent in May. While the ruling coalition proposed cash handouts to ease the burden, opposition parties favored cuts to the consumption tax. Confusion Galore Though Ishiba has only been in office since October 1, 2024, past prime ministers have struggled to retain power after similar losses. In fact, no LDP leader has survived after back-to-back electoral defeats. The defeats of Sosuke Uno in 1989 and Ryutaro Hashimoto in 1998 are poignant precedents. Still, Ishiba has vowed to continue—for now. But the odds are stacked heavily against him. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A Jiji Press exit poll found that 24.3 per cent of respondents want an opposition-centered government to replace the current regime. Only 18.4 per cent supported continuation of the LDP-Komeito coalition. The poll also revealed widespread uncertainty: 9.6 per cent favored a DPP entry into the coalition. 7.0 per cent wanted the CDP to participate in government. 5.1 per cent hoped for a LDP-Komeito partnership with Nippon Ishin no Kai. A significant 35.5 per cent supported none of the above or were undecided. What Next? No national election is due until 2028. The next LDP presidential election is set for September 2027—unless Ishiba resigns earlier. The ruling coalition now finds itself in a legislative bind. Without a majority in either house, passing laws will be a challenge. Forming a third coalition partner may prove difficult; building consensus on critical issues could be even harder. After back-to-back defeats in both houses—a historic first in 70 years for the LDP—the latest Upper House loss may well signal that time is running out for Prime Minister Ishiba. Public trust in the coalition's ability to tackle inflation, stabilise prices, and push through reforms has eroded. Experts suggest the coalition's best bet may be to accept opposition policy proposals where possible and form 'diagonal' partnerships on a case-by-case basis to pass legislation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Future Uncertain As the dust settles, the questions loom: Is this the beginning of the end for the LDP's dominance? Do the new far-right parties represent a fleeting protest vote, or a long-term shift in Japan's political landscape? Is this the voice of the young and disillusioned? It's too early to say with certainty—but what is clear is this: the ruling coalition has reached a checkmate moment. And if the fragmented opposition unites to bring a no confidence motion against the ruling LDP coalition, the unthinkable may possibly happen in Japan. The author is a multi-disciplinary thought leader with Action Bias and an India based impact consultant. He is a keen watcher of changing national and international scenarios. He works as President Advisory Services of Consulting Company BARSYL. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
