logo
MNF accuses ‘secret plot' by Mizoram CM to shift capital

MNF accuses ‘secret plot' by Mizoram CM to shift capital

Time of India2 days ago
1
2
Aizawl: CM Lalduhoma chaired a high-level meeting in June that discussed a master plan to transform Thenzawl, the second-largest town in his Serchhip constituency, into a Peace City.
An official statement said the Union ministry of housing and urban affairs had already agreed to allocate Rs 10 crore to the Mizoram govt for preparing the master plan, of which Rs 1 crore (10 per cent) has already been released.
Opposition parties trained guns on the CM, saying the latter has a hidden agenda behind the proposal. The
Mizo National Front
(MNF), Mizoram's main opposition party, has accused the CM of secretly attempting to shift the state capital from Aizawl to Thenzawl, located in his own constituency, without public consultation.
MNF general secretary Zodinpuia claimed that while Lalduhoma publicly framed the initiative as a Peace City project to decongest Aizawl, he allegedly concealed his actual intention of making Thenzawl the new state capital. "This is a betrayal of the people's trust," he said, demanding that the CM clarify his position.
The chief minister's office has not issued any response to the MNF's allegations.
Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with
Friendship Day wishes
,
messages
and
quotes
!
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Tariff King'? The U.S. Got It Wrong – India's Trade Duties Tell A Different Story
‘Tariff King'? The U.S. Got It Wrong – India's Trade Duties Tell A Different Story

India.com

time24 minutes ago

  • India.com

‘Tariff King'? The U.S. Got It Wrong – India's Trade Duties Tell A Different Story

New Delhi: U.S. President Donald Trump recently branded India as the 'tariff hing', accusing it of abusing trade duties to shield its markets. But actual trade data paints a vastly different picture. According to the World Bank, India's simple average tariff sits at 15.98%, but its trade‑weighted average, reflecting what most imported goods actually face, is only 4.6%. The lower rate reflects the reality that most high tariffs apply to low‑volume sectors such as agriculture or automobiles, while major imports like pharmaceuticals, energy, machinery and chemicals face much lighter duties (typically 5‑8%). India's imports from the United States in FY 2023‑24 totaled over $42.2 billion, with roughly 75% concentrated in just 100 product lines. Those goods generally attracted low or minimal tariffs. For instance, crude oil and LNG carry a duty of Rs 1.10/tonne and 2.75%, accounting for 18.25% of U.S. imports to India. Industrial machinery draws a 7.5% tariff; coal faces 5%; medical equipment carries 5‑7.5%; aircraft and parts are charged only 2.5%; and fertilizers go up to 10%. Thank you to schemes like Special Economic Zones, Export‑Oriented Units and Free Trade Agreements, a fair share of imports enters duty‑free. India has also been gradually reducing tariffs over three decades, from 80.9% in 1990 down to 15.98% in 2023, with the weighted average at just 4.6%. In January of this year alone, India slashed duties on several U.S. exports such as motorcycles, bourbon whiskey, ethernet switches, synthetic flavourings, fish hydrolysate and abolished a 6% equalisation levy on online services. It also removed retaliatory tariffs on apples, almonds and walnuts. Global comparisons reinforce India's position as moderate, not excessive. The Word Trade Organisation (WTO) data shows India imposes 0% on most semiconductors and IT hardware, compared with Vietnam's 50%, China's 25% and Indonesia's 30%. On agricultural tariffs, India averages 33% (with a max of 110‑150%) versus the European Union (EU)'s cap of 261%, Japan's 298% and South Korea's over 800% on certain items. Neighboring economies fare similarly: Bangladesh at 14.1%, Turkiye at 16.2%, Argentina at 13.4%. India's trade‑weighted rate remains lower than Vietnam's 5.1% and Indonesia's 5.7% and is nearly equal to the EU's 5%. India's non‑tariff barriers remain modest and predictable. Its Maximum Residue Limits (MRLs) for food products meet or exceed Codex norms in 24 out of 32 cases, compared to Japan and EU standards. Rules around biotech and veterinary certifications follow science‑based global norms. Contrast that with China's more opaque system of over 2,600 non‑tariff measures, many of which pose challenges for exporters. Meanwhile, the United States maintains steep tariffs on products like sour cream (average 197%, max 297%), tobacco (average 184%, up to 350%) and peanuts (average 115%, up to 164%). Even cheese tariffs hover near 24% and automobiles average 19%. India's approach, particularly in agriculture, reflects common international practices aimed at protecting farmers and ensuring food security. Judged by global norms, its tariff strategy aligns more with calculated trade policy than protectionism. The label of 'tariff king' obscures more than it reveals. India appears far from an outlier. It has phased in trade liberalisation consistently. It negotiates tariff relief for key partners. It removes barriers when possible. Its tariff profile compares favorably even with developed participants in global commerce. India is not a tariff miser. India is a measured trader.

Satya Pal Malik: A chequered career of conviction, contradiction & controversy
Satya Pal Malik: A chequered career of conviction, contradiction & controversy

New Indian Express

time24 minutes ago

  • New Indian Express

Satya Pal Malik: A chequered career of conviction, contradiction & controversy

NEW DELHI: Satya Pal Malik, a seasoned politician who traversed India's political spectrum from the Lok Dal to Congress to the BJP, and later emerged as a fierce critic of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, passed away on Tuesday at 1.12 PM at Delhi's Ram Manohar Lohia (RML) Hospital. He was 79. He had been undergoing treatment for kidney and age-related ailments. Once a trusted aide of PM Modi—holding gubernatorial posts in Bihar, J&K, Goa, Odisha, and Meghalaya—Malik's final years were defined by his outspoken dissent. He criticised the government over the handling of the 2019 Pulwama attack, the farmers' protest, and alleged corruption during his tenure as J&K Governor. Later, the CBI chargesheeted him in a bribery case linked to Rs 2,200 crore Kiru hydropower project in Kashmir. Malik's journey was as eventful as it was ideologically fluid. Born in Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh, into a Jat family, his political roots were in socialist movements. He began as a student leader and was elected MLA in 1974 on the Bharatiya Kranti Dal ticket led by Chaudhary Charan Singh. In 1980, he entered the Rajya Sabha as a Lok Dal member. By 1984, he had joined the Congress, which re-nominated him to the Rajya Sabha in 1986. He later aligned with Janata Dal and served as Lok Sabha MP from Aligarh. Despite his many political shifts, Malik remained a forceful voice on agrarian and regional issues, often taking on the powers that be. His political rise peaked when the Modi government appointed him as Bihar governor in 2017, later entrusting him with the politically sensitive state of Jammu & Kashmir in August 2018. His tenure in J&K was both historic and controversial. Malik was governor during the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019. Coincidentally, he died on the sixth anniversary of that move. He was also in office during the Pulwama attack that killed 40 CRPF personnel. Later, Malik accused the Centre of suppressing facts about lapses leading to the attack, including the denial of aircraft for troop movement. He claimed he was told to 'stay silent'. Malik's long career was marked by conviction, contradiction, and controversy.

Centre opposes lowering age of consent
Centre opposes lowering age of consent

Hans India

time24 minutes ago

  • Hans India

Centre opposes lowering age of consent

New Delhi: The Union government has objected before the Supreme Court to any move to reduce the age of consent under child protection laws from 18 to 16 years, warning that such a change would open the floodgates to trafficking and other forms of child abuse under the garb of assent. 'Introducing a legislative close-in-age exception or reducing the age of consent would irrevocably dilute the statutory presumption of vulnerability that lies at the heart of child protection law,' the Centre, represented Additional Solicitor General Aishwarya Bhati, clarified in written submissions placed on record. To buttress its argument, the Centre cited a 2007 Ministry of Women and Child Development study which found that 53.22% of children reported facing one or more forms of sexual abuse. It noted that in 50% of these cases, the abusers were persons in positions of trust or authority, including parents, relatives, neighbours, and school staff. 'The report concluded that children are particularly vulnerable when the offender is a known figure, as the abuse is concealed, normalised, or silenced through emotional manipulation or fear,' the Centre explained. The Centre's position is in contrast to that of senior advocate and amicus curiae Indira Jaising, who has argued before the court that consensual sexual activity between adolescents aged 16 to 18 should not be classified as 'abuse' or criminalised under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. Jaising urged the court to read a 'close-in-age exception' into the law, which would apply to consensual sexual activity where both individuals are adolescents aged between 16 and 18. She submitted that the term 'child' under Section 2(d) of the POCSO Act should not include adolescents in this age group engaged in consensual sexual relationships. Such an exception, she argued, would align with the protective intent of POCSO while avoiding its misuse in cases involving non-exploitative adolescent relationships. However, the Centre maintained that defining 'child' as a person below 18 years was a 'deliberate choice, grounded in the recognition that minors lack the legal and developmental capacity to give meaningful and informed consent in matters involving sexual activity.' 'The decision to criminalise sexual acts with children under 18 years reflects a clear understanding of the vulnerability of minors, the common occurrence of coercion and manipulation in such situations, and the challenges in proving the absence of consent when minors are involved… This legislative position embodies the collective will of Parliament, acting in furtherance of its constitutional duty to protect children,' the Centre submitted. 'The legislative intent is further reinforced by the age threshold adopted in other enactments, including the Indian Majority Act, 1875, the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, and the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006… The legal position is again affirmed under Section 375 of the IPC and is retained under Section 63 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, where sexual intercourse with a girl below 18 years of age constitutes rape per se, regardless of her purported willingness,' the Union government submitted. The government said the legislative framework on the age of consent under Indian law was rooted in a clear and unambiguous intent to provide a 'robust, non-negotiable shield' to minors against sexual exploitation.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store