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Any right-thinking citizen will endorse call to review ‘socialist', ‘secular' in Preamble: Minister

Any right-thinking citizen will endorse call to review ‘socialist', ‘secular' in Preamble: Minister

The Printa day ago

The RSS on Thursday called for reviewing the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the preamble of the Constitution, saying they were included during the Emergency and were never part of the Constitution drafted by B R Ambedkar. Addressing an event organised at New Delhi on 50 years of the Emergency, RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale said, 'The preamble of the Constitution Baba Saheb Ambedkar made never had these words. During the Emergency, when fundamental rights were suspended, Parliament did not work, the judiciary became lame, then these words were added.' Talking to reporters, Singh said, 'I think any right-thinking citizen will endorse it because everybody knows that it was not part of the original Constitution written by Dr Ambedkar and the team.' Singh was replying to a question on whether the BJP endorses the removal of the words 'secular' and 'socialist' from the Preamble of the Indian Constitution.
Jammu, Jun 27 (PTI) In an indirect support to the RSS' call to review the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Preamble of the Constitution, Union minister Jitendra Singh on Friday said any right-thinking citizen will endorse it because everybody knows that these words were not part of the original Constitution written by Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar.
'It is not a question of the BJP versus the non-BJP. It is a question of preserving democratic and constitutional values,' Singh said, adding that those who are raising the Constitution book are the biggest violators of it.
Replying to another question on whether the BJP is going to bring a bill in Parliament regarding this, he said, 'I did not say that. I am not accredited to say that.' He further said just yesterday, Dattatreya ji raised a demand for the removal of these words. 'These were not part of Dr Ambedkar's original Constitution. These words are not the legacy of Dr Ambedkar.
'Ambedkar gave us the best Constitution in the world. If these terms were not his idea, then whose ideology was it that inserted them?' Taking a dig at the Congress, he said the term of the Lok Sabha and state assemblies was extended under these clauses from five to six years during the Emergency.
'This provision was misused in Jammu and Kashmir as well. Sheikh Abdullah extended the term of the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly to six years.
'When Morarji Desai became prime minister after three years, he reversed this provision at the national level. However, using Article 370, this change was never implemented in Jammu and Kashmir,' he said.
The Union minister further said while all other assemblies in the country reverted to a five-year term, the J-K Assembly continued with a six-year term until August 5, 2019, when abrogation took place.
'The Jammu and Kashmir government not only misused the Emergency provisions, they misused them twice by invoking Article 370,' he said.
Hosabale said discussions were held on this issue later, but no effort was made to remove them from the Preamble. So whether they should remain in the Preamble should be considered, he added.
The suggestion from the RSS' second senior-most functionary to consider removing the two terms came as he hit out at the Congress for its Emergency-era excesses and demanded an apology from the party.
Lambasting the Congress for showcasing itself as the champion of Independence, he said, 'I can say this with full confidence that no matter how many times the Congress beats the drum about the Constitution or how loudly it calls itself the party of freedom fighters, the truth is that the Congress never demanded independence. I am saying this with all the confidence at my command.' He further said until 1930, there was no document or record in which the Congress had demanded that India be given independence or had raised the slogan of complete independence.
'Even post-1930, the Congress was only demanding home state, home rule or dominion status. When Bhagat Singh was demanding complete independence, the Congress was still only talking about home rule. It was only in 1931, at the Lahore session of the Congress, after the hanging of Bhagat Singh, that the first resolution was passed demanding complete independence,' he said.
It was also done in the wake of high emotions running among youth after the hanging of Bhagat Singh, he said.
Singh said the resolution included the demand for independence, which means Congress only truly demanded freedom 17 years before it was achieved. 'So, if we go by that, Congress fought for India's independence only for 17 years,' he said.
Lashing out at the Congress for the imposition of the Emergency, he said Indira Gandhi, in the darkness of night, woke up then president Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed from sleep to impose the Emergency. 'A specific 38th constitutional provision was used at that time so that no one could approach the court.' He said subsequently, a series of amendments were passed, among which the most notorious were the 42nd and 43rd Amendments. 'It was under these amendments that the words 'secular' and 'socialist' were inserted into the Constitution,' he said, adding that just on Thursday, Hosabale raised a demand for the removal of these words. PTI AB KSS KSS
This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

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Agencies Representational Each year at midnight, June 25-26, I wish my mother a very happy birthday. This year, I was late by 15 minutes as I got caught up 'doing the dishes'. I've put that in quotes not because 'doing the dishes' is a euphemism for some nefarious midnight activity involving my sole contact in the PMO, but because putting something like that in quotes can immediately arouse the suspicion of said O, and keep them on their toes. The thing is, my mother's birthday falls on the anniversary of the Emergency. She turned 33 a few minutes after president Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signed and sent back the draft declaration using provisions of Article 352 of the Constitution to impose an internal emergency. Looking at Abu Abraham's famous cartoon - published some six months into Emergency - of Ali Ahmed stretching out from a Rashtrapati-tub to return pen and paper to an outstretched hand 'symbol' behind the door, I suitably-bootably wonder whether such a cartoon would have passed today. Not so much for its critique of an obsequious nominal head of state, as much for its depiction of a president in his birthday suit. So, even being the luckiest guy to have the least authoritarian of mothers, my mum's birthday is inextricably linked with Emergency. As Srinath Raghavan's illuminating new biography, Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, reveal, an emergency under Article 352 was already in place since December 1971 during the Bangladesh War. But Mrs G wanted a new emergency - her One Big Beautiful Emergency, if you will. Much before June 12, 1975, when Allahabad High Court found her guilty of corruption in the March 1971 general election - a case filed by Raj Narain of Samyukta Socialist Party, whom she defeated by more than 1 lakh votes at Rae Bareli - Gandhi 'came to regard the dangers posed by the RSS' activism as linked to an American-supported attempt at destabilising her government'. Assassination of her aide, cabinet minister, and Congress fundraiser LN Mishra in January 1975 didn't help matters. Gandhi wanted to crack down on RSS, and Ananda Margis, by invoking an all-encompassing emergency even before the Allahabad High Court verdict. As Raghavan reminds us, 'Far from being lawful, the declaration of emergency on 25 June 1975 was a coup d'etat: in the original sense of the term a 'master-stroke of the state,' whose signature elements were surprise and secrecy.' Like every year, the media and its content-providers rolled out thoughts on the Emergency this year, too - the one day that LK Advani is taken out of the freezer and thawed for his 'bend-crawl' aphorism. But for all the righteous horror poured on 'the day democracy died', 50 years on, the Emergency has a new function: as insurance against any charge that India today could possibly be anything other than a model democracy. One extremely handy thing about any 'darkest chapter in history' is that it allows 'dark chapters' to come across as gentle gambols in the park. Take the Jewish holocaust. After that particular Nazi pol science field study, you seriously reckon Israel can be charged of genocide for its 'tough love' with Gaza? With countries like Germany falling for it faster than you can say, 'Fast and the Fuhrious', the upper-cased 'Holocaust' is brought out like garlic and crucifix to drive away any accusation of lower-cased 'holocaust' being carried out by Israeli ghetto-blasters. The same principle holds with our Emergency. Mention any current dodge'n'damage to democratic institutions by the state - whether GoI or state governments - and 'Emergency' is trotted out like Asrani with a toothbrush moustache. Umar Khalid, almost five years in Tihar without a trial, charges against whom have yet to framed in court? 'Pfft. That's nothing compared to what happened during the Emergency'. The other standard rebuttal being, 'Have you seen Pakistan?' Which is why, after 'doing the dishes' with Pontius Pilate diligence, and wishing Ma on Thursday, I realised why so many people are horrified by Donald Trump, his ICEmen, executive orders, sending military to quell protestors, using social media telepathy to weed out bad apples from entering America, his sycophantasmagoric coterie... Poor things, they have no Indira's Emergency to measure Trump's Urgency against, and find phew-relief like we do. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. 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