
BJP gets quorum to elect new national chief, RSS gains control
The state unit elections had been initiated months ago in 32 of the BJP's 36 organisational units, including states and Union territories. Twenty-nine were announced last December and three—Uttarakhand, West Bengal and Maharashtra—by June-end.Most recently, Tashi Gyalson Kachu was announced as the new unit president for Ladakh on July 2. Now, only Haryana, Karnataka, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh remain, where the election process has started, but the state chiefs are yet to be announced.advertisementStates where the election process is delayed are Delhi, Punjab, Jharkhand and Manipur. In Delhi, the party has declared requisite quorum of elected district presidents. In Punjab and Jharkhand, the party is still struggling with poor coordination and factionalism. In Manipur, the whole process is stalled because of the law and order situation.Overall, the entire process slowed down significantly, first due to the Delhi assembly elections this February and then Operation Sindoor. This was followed by the Air India crash on June 12, in which senior BJP leader and former Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani died.Now, in the first week of July, the BJP has dramatically accelerated the process. The party has announced new state presidents for Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Mizoram, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Puducherry and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.This wasn't just an administrative clean-up. It was the final step to complete the electoral process needed to select the next national president of the BJP. The choices were shaped by the Sangh. The state presidents appointed are not just politically visible or electorally viable—they were party insiders, many with deep Sangh ties and strong organisational roots.This is a clear departure from the previous decade, when centralisation, under Modi and home minister Amit Shah, shifted the BJP's emphasis towards charisma, optics and short-term electoral gains.advertisementNow, however, the approach appears to have been flipped. The RSS made it clear it preferred homegrown leaders over those inducted from other parties. MPs were discouraged from being appointed as state chiefs. Instead, the focus was on state-level MLAs, MLCs and veteran organisational workers. In short, those who are well-versed with their states, have worked on the ground and can focus on rebuilding the organisation. The appointment of turncoats is going to be the exception, not the rule.This change in method is evident in the names chosen. In Madhya Pradesh, Gopal Khandelwal was picked to replace Vishnu Dutt Sharma. In West Bengal, BJP Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya was chosen to lead the party. Maharashtra saw the appointment of Ravindra Chavan, a trusted leader from the old guard.Mizoram got Dr K. Beichhua, a seasoned politician who had switched to the BJP in 2023. Andhra Pradesh brought in P.V.N. Madhav while N. Ramchander Rao returned in Telangana. Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand saw the reappointment of Rajeev Bindal and Mahendra Bhatt, respectively—both seen as stabilising figures with strong RSS links. In Puducherry, V.P. Ramalingam was selected, and Anil Tiwari took over in Andaman and Nicobar.advertisementHowever, in three of the party's most critical strongholds—Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and Gujarat—the BJP has yet to build consensus on the new state chiefs. These delays are not accidental. In all three states, internal factionalism and strategic stakes are higher. The Sangh is reportedly pushing for candidates with deeper ideological grounding while state leaders are lobbying for politically expedient names. These states remain unresolved precisely because of the struggle between old instincts and new discipline.Apparently, the BJP has asked the RSS to depute 14 full-time pracharaks as sangathan mantri (general secretary-organisation), in various state units—some to fill existing vacancies, others to replace current functionaries. As is customary, the RSS deputes pracharaks to its affiliates, including the BJP.This renewed push for sangathan mantris is being seen as part of a broader organisational tightening. The list of names is expected to be discussed during the RSS's annual Prant Pracharak Baithak, a three-day strategic convening slated to be held at the recently renovated Keshav Kunj office in Delhi.This second tier of consolidation underscores how closely the BJP now aligns with the Sangh's priorities. Even though Modi and Shah continue to command massive influence, their hands-on role in state-level appointments has visibly reduced. Nadda, whose own term as BJP president is nearing its end, has leaned heavily on the Sangh's guidance in these decisions—perhaps mindful of the Sangh's role in shaping the future leadership of the party.advertisementWith elections in 24 state units now complete, the BJP has fulfilled the quorum required under its constitution to elect a new national president.Party sources indicate this could happen within the next two weeks. The new president may not be a placeholder. With Modi already into his third term and the BJP entering a post-peak phase, the next party chief could well be the person tasked with leading the organisation into 2029.Speculation is also mounting that this organisational reshuffle could coincide with a cabinet reshuffle at the Centre. Several senior ministers are handling multiple portfolios, and the long-anticipated generational change could finally be underway. The Sangh, with its renewed clout, is likely to have a stronger voice in this round than it did in the past two terms.There are schools of thoughts in the Sangh and the party, who advocate that there are ministers who are part of the government for a decade and have not done much of party work. Secondly, the new national team may also require some experienced hands to build the party for the 2029 Lok Sabha polls. The speculation is that reshuffle may see new faces with organisational backgrounds, rather than technocratic profiles.advertisementWhat's unfolding is not merely a procedural cycle—it is an ideological correction. After a decade of a leader-centric model under Modi and Shah, the party appears to be reverting to a more institutional balance, with the Sangh reclaiming its traditional role as guide and gatekeeper. The messaging is clear: the BJP must remain a cadre-based, organisation-first movement rooted in discipline, not just electoral dominance.The Sangh's influence has also shaped post-election strategies in Maharashtra, Haryana and Delhi. In each case, RSS feedback determined the approach: pull-back from excesses, re-centre the organisation, rebuild trust with the cadre. This template is now being extended nationwide, one state at a time. It is a moment of quiet but profound transformation—less visible than rallies and slogans, but far more enduring in its impact.With the national leadership set for a transition and the Union cabinet poised for a reshuffle, the BJP is entering a phase of introspection and recalibration. If the first decade of Modi's BJP was defined by scale, visibility and speed, the next phase—under the Sangh's watchful eye—may be defined by structure, ideology and stability.Whether that will work electorally remains to be seen. But institutionally, the RSS is back in the driver's seat. Not as a parallel power centre—but as the silent architect of the BJP's next chapter.Subscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch

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