Top students assured of matriculation seats
JOHOR BAHRU: DAP deputy chairman Nga Kor Ming has praised the government's decision to guarantee matriculation placements for all students who achieved 10As and above in the 2024 SPM examination.
Nga, who is also Housing and Local Government minister, said the decision reflects the Madani government's commitment towards meritocracy, equal opportunity, appreciating local talents and effort to empower young Malaysians in pursuing quality education.
The Education Ministry, in a statement yesterday, said the matter was agreed upon at a Cabinet meeting on Wednesday and it follows the announcement made last year by the prime minister.
It said students who scored 10As or more in last year's SPM and have submitted for places in the matriculation programme will be offered admission, regardless of race or background. This includes students who scored A-.
'This will ensure all top-performing students in the 2024 SPM have the opportunity to further their studies,' it said in a statement.
The ministry also verified that the existing Bumiputera quota system for the matriculation programme will not be affected by the decision.
Nga said the inclusive policy, which applies regardless of race or background, recognises the outstanding efforts of Malaysia's top-performing students.
'The government is sending a clear message that academic excellence will be rewarded fairly and consistently and every Malaysian is being appreciated,' he said, adding that the decision is in line with the commitment made by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim last year and strengthens public confidence in the national education system.
'DAP remains committed to promoting policies that celebrate academic achievement while also advancing social equity.
'We believe that education is the greatest empowerment and tool towards building a fairer, more progressive and educated nation,' he said at the launch of National Landscape Day 2025 yesterday.
A total of 14,179 students who sat for the SPM examination last year obtained straight As – the highest number in 11 years.
This is following the government's decision to make Bahasa Malaysia and History subjects mandatory for passing.
The 14,179 straight-A students represent an increase from the 11,713 recorded in the 2023 SPM results.
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Borneo Post
2 hours ago
- Borneo Post
Policy on matriculation entry draws flak for excluding A- students
Bong says under the said implementation, only candidates with straight-A's and A+ grades would receive automatic admission, while those with A- results must undergo a merit-based selection process. KUCHING (June 29): The Ministry of Education (MoE)'s implementation of the automatic matriculation admission policy has drawn criticism from the Youth section of the Kuching branch of Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP). Under the said implementation, only candidates with straight-A's and A+ grades would receive automatic admission, while those with A- results must undergo a merit-based selection process. According to SUPP Youth Kuching branch's deputy secretary Alan Bong, this deviates from the assurance given by the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim last year. 'The Prime Minister promised that 'students with 10As regardless of race would be guaranteed entry'. 'There was no clarification that A- grades would be excluded from that definition. 'Hence, the MoE's current implementation, which limits automatic offers to candidates with only A and A+ grades, effectively narrows the original promise,' said Bong in a statement yesterday. He further claimed that the inconsistency between policy intent and execution had resulted in at least 214 students — who achieved 10As, including A- grades — being rejected, raising concerns about fairness and transparency in policy implementation. Bong also noted that under the Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) grading system, A-, A, and A+ grades are commonly recognised as top-tier results. In this respect, he said it was understandable that people would interpret 10As to encompass all three variants. 'However, the present policy introduces an unexpected threshold that distinguishes between students based on marginal grade differences. 'For instance, a student scoring 9As and 1A+ qualifies for automatic admission, while another with 9As and 1A- is subject to additional filtering.' Bong then said this had created a disparity within the same achievement category, undermining the value of a full-A performance and weakening the policy's ability to reward academic excellence fairly and effectively. 'Since the MoE has clarified that no official statement was ever issued to redefine A- as a non-A grade, the policy execution ought to better reflect consistency, clarity, and the spirit of the Prime Minister's announcement,' he stressed. 'If 10As are meant to recognise comprehensive academic excellence, then A- should not be arbitrarily excluded. 'After all, achieving 10As, including the A- grade, is never an easy feat and such academic excellence ought to be fairly recognised and rewarded. 'The introduction of informal, technical exclusions risks sending mixed signals to students and eroding trust in institutional fairness,' he added. Bong thus called for the distribution of educational opportunities be grounded in academic merit above all else. He cited Sarawak's ongoing efforts in this area, such as the removal of ethnic quotas in university admissions, provision of performance-based financial aid, and the planned rollout of universal free tertiary education next year, as examples of a more consistent, outcome-focused model. 'Such a system, anchored in clear academic standards, helps to minimise structural inequalities and preserve the integrity of student achievement. 'As Malaysia looks ahead, I believe that the federal government should consider emulating the policies pursued in Sarawak. 'A fairer, more transparent selection framework will not only strengthen national competitiveness, but also ensure our brightest students are retained and recognised,' said Bong.
Borneo Post
2 hours ago
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Speak up! Speak up!
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Politically, it is one of the most stable countries in the world and certainly, one of the richest in Europe. Please note carefully that I am not proposing for Malaysia to have four national languages. Not at all. Let the Malay Language remain our 'Bahasa Kebangsaan' (national language) and every Malaysian must continue learning, speaking and writing in it. And let the other languages of the various ethnic groups making up the population of Malaysia be used on a daily basis without hindrance, as is the position now. For the past 30 years, the structure of that language policy has been somewhat relaxed. It is what public policy should be if a multiracial society like ours is to sustain itself. It is hoped that this attitude will be maintained by the government of the day for as long as possible. Whichever political party in power in the country, let the language policy continue to be liberal. Yesterday, someone drew my attention to a report in The Borneo Post of June 22, 2025. It was about a public-speaking competition organised by the Sibu Chapter of the Federation of Sarawak Chinese Independent Secondary Schools for the students from 14 Chinese independent schools in the state. I salute whoever conceived the idea of a public-speaking competition in three languages: Mandarin, Malay and English. What a great idea! We are on the same page. I hope that one day, there would be a competition of this nature in the future: the use of the Iban language or any of the indigenous languages in Sarawak. The organisers of trilingual competitions, please bear that in mind. First, learn one of the languages. It is high time we actively learn each other's language. I wish someone would start a school or classes in the native languages. The Iban language is already a subject taught in a university in Malaysia, but other indigenous languages are not. Think about possibilities. The importance of a language is not confined to communication between individuals, but it is also crucial to racial understanding and racial harmony. The loss of the language means the loss of the culture of the speakers of that language and, with it, racial identity. Ask the Hawaiians what they feel about losing their language. They used to have their own language, but after English was made the main language of the islands and the lingua franca for daily communication, the use of the indigenous language began to wane. Eventually, generations of Hawaiians did not use their mother tongue on a daily basis and the language slowly died out of lack of regular use. For the past 50 years, some young Hawaiians have been trying to revive interest in the language. I do not know what the status is now. My source, a native Hawaiian introduced to me by Dr Yusuf Hannifah in Honolulu in 1971 and became my regular correspondent for years, had passed away. End of personal communication. The latest I heard about the interest in reviving the Hawaiian language was when I read about a group of musicians from Hawaii who came to perform at the Rainforest World Music Festival in Santubong. In a press release, they meant to showcase, through their performances, their depictions of the traditional culture in their own ancestral knowledge in their language (The Borneo Post – June 22, 2025). The sound of music and the lyric of the song can be an excellent medium of communication. For example, the famous song 'Bekikis Bulu Betis' composed by Penghulu Andrewson Ngalai of Sibu, has been sung by the non-Ibans in every conceivable occasion. It is such an excellent medium for the propagation of the Iban language. Back on the 'kulaiwi' artistes. They highlighted their work as part of 'a larger cultural movement to revive Hawaiian language and tradition'. Note the revival of interest in the Hawaiian language and see the importance of the human tongue for the sustainability of human civilisation. * The opinions expressed in this article are the columnist's own and do not reflect the view of the newspaper. Iban language Melanau native sarawak
Borneo Post
2 hours ago
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Sarawak, Sabah politics: Navigating unity in diversity
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It is easy to brush off the suggestion, but we cannot and must not do so hastily, let alone consign it to the dustbin of history. Political winds always shift, and what is currently very unlikely might become reality tomorrow. Social, demographic patterns My attempt at deciphering the changing social and demographic patterns of these two states, and how these influence the dynamics and course of their politics, is essentially a preliminary approximation. It relies mainly on personal observations and existing secondary data serving as a brief overview rather than an in-depth analysis. Sarawak possesses a complex population with various ethnic communities, which make up a vibrant ethnic and religious fabric. It also possesses a distinct 'Sarawakian identity' as well as Malaysian national identity. Sarawak politics is dominated by Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), the original giant that wants Sarawak to be more independent and keeps Sarawak engaged in a more Malaysian setting. In Sabah, coalition politics sees Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) as the ruling government, although its passage of rule is not as smooth as its counterpart in Sarawak. Contending rival parties are keen on vying for control of Sabah in the upcoming election, which is creating instability and could impede progress. The issue is putting Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in a tough position, which is exacerbated by Sabahans' rising desire for more political decision-making power to be in the hands of the locals. Sarawak possesses a complex population with various ethnic communities, which make up a vibrant ethnic and religious fabric. — Bernama photo Complicated social arithmetic Sabah's political and demographic setting is much more complicated. Though Sabah is ethnically pluralistic, religious and tribal allegiance adds a complicated social arithmetic. Its political tradition is marked by an ever-present coming-and-going of flip-flopping allegiances between contending parties that have the tendency to result in a less stable political culture. This was seen in the recent political meltdown of 2023, as it highlighted the fluidity and volatility of political leadership in the state, which was at variance with the relative stability of Sarawak. The politics of jockeying currently in Sabah is a reflection of attempting to balance diverse interests and rival claims within its multi-dimensional political framework. Sabah and Sarawak politics appear similar, but different in the context of oneness and ethnically diverse nature. Given that the natives, the Chinese and the Malays coexist, the two states have to adopt homogeneous political identities for their own people in a heterogeneous setting. Sarawak continues to build on its decades-long success story, which is the pride of well-meaning Sarawakians, leaving no room for interested parties on the periphery to intervene with their agendas and undermine the political order. With the visionary guidance of Premier Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Abang Johari Tun Openg, GPS has managed to uphold the 'Sarawak success story' model, and the state has gone on to record unprecedented growth and development and a blissfully peaceful political climate. Abang Johari's visionary leadership has made it possible for Sarawak to record impressive milestones, as the state is undergoing a continuous development and growth spurt, almost free from political turmoil. Such a commendable feat is evidence of the effectiveness of the 'Sarawak success story' formula painstakingly crafted and cultivated by the GPS leader that has consistently made it possible for the state to flourish and soar to unprecedented heights of prosperity. The steadfast practice of the winning formula speaks volumes about the commitment of Sarawak leaders in building a prosperous and successful society. Led by Premier Abang Johari, the state's collective leadership has reiterated its commitment to put Sarawak's people first and foremost, toward a better future. Coalition politics The multiplicity and diversity of common interests and values in a society can result in coalition politics. Such situations need to be negotiated with complex power-sharing arrangements to promote fair representation and solve the isolated issues stemming from the mixed concerns and needs of various social groups. Sophisticated power-sharing and bargaining need to adapt to representation and handle abnormal issues of differentiated societies to be able to fit into position. This mutual diversity will be susceptible to manifest itself in complex coalition politics that need tuning and adjustment of power in order to provide representation and satisfy particular interests of plural societies. Nevertheless, the divergent historical paths and newly-reconfigured political cultures have yielded diverse forms of adaptation to this oneness. The political experience and expressions in Sabah in recent times speak volumes of this. While both the states have provided institutional spaces for achieving oneness, the storminess of inter-ethnic politics, regionalism, and national party dominance have given their politics so quintessentially Sabahan and Sarawakian hues. It is an engaging analysis in the traps and promises of achieving oneness in profound diversity. Shared diversity Sabah and Sarawak have interestingly similar, but unique, political circumstances from perspectives of unity and ethnic diversity. This shared diversity is expressed in coalition politics, within which defended bargaining and powers of division will be necessary in order to provide representation and attend to each community's specific issues. The separate historical trajectories, though, and the resultant political cultures have yielded different steps towards this unity. While they are both bountiful in their endowment, their politics have been influenced by politics of inter-ethnic relations, regionalism, and national party encroachment. It is, therefore, an exercise worth attempting in the promise and challenge of turning unity out of profound diversity. By the scope of their electoral constituencies and the emergence of their incipient regional identity, Sarawak and Sabah are increasingly making themselves felt in Malaysian federal politics. Politicians at the national level are highly attuned to this, and we can expect to keep seeing efforts to woo Borneo voters, particularly in tight contests. Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Noor, who is also GRS chairman, shaking hands with people attending an event held by United Sabah National Organisation in Kota Belud. — Bernama photo Collective bargaining This might entail responsibilities better attuned to the specific needs and concerns of Sabah and Sarawak, and perhaps in a way resulting in the federal policy being more directly shaped by the needs of these two states. A collective bargaining position might become complicated by domestic political pressure within the two states as well as varying priorities, so one is not certain if the 'numbers' from Sabah and Sarawak will be able to show a united front. The driving force behind such devolution, bolstered by the renewed interest in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), is seen to be an all-too-familiar aspect of Sabah and Sarawak politics. The stirring also came with an increased aspiration for more autonomy and rights over resources, and it is certain that both states will continue to push for the complete implementation of MA63. Even though the process of total devolution is complex and riddled with negotiations, the current trajectory is that it shall always be an agenda priority in the Sabah and Sarawak political framework, setting the latter's relationship with the federal government and Malaysian federalism itself. The degree to which the federal government will allow power and resources to be ceded will ultimately dictate the realisation of this agenda of devolution and longer dynamics between Peninsular Malaysia and Borneo. Both in Sarawak and Sabah, rural and urban, there are a number of factors that cut across and support each other in attempting to sway the electoral and party vote. These include socio-economic status, ethnic group membership, access to information, and perceived quality of government services. Even though politicians with urban constituencies normally have more pressing matters such as expanding infrastructure, economic development, and sound governance, old-style leadership and party membership primarily weigh heavily in rural voting. Politicians' rhetoric is normally accompanied by local context congruence and plays a very important role in voting decisions. Youth more issue-conscious Shifting demographics of rural and urban electorates are going to define the electoral formula. Urbanisation is engulfing more youths and educated voters in the urban corridor, so the voter base becomes sensitive and heterogeneous and issues-conscious like saving the earth, social justice, and connectivity. In the rural constituencies, while traditional mores persist, increased access to education and information is gradually producing an increasingly aware and educated voter. This demographic change requires political parties to be more responsive and adjust their narratives and strategies to connect with a larger universe of voter issues. Young people who vote are a force to be multiplied that call the shots in the political landscape. The two states of Borneo are no different. Through their exposure to the cyberworld and social media, they can be mobilised, organised, and can project their voice to push matters of the day. Though they do not get 100 per cent of their vote, generally, they are interested in matters concerning climate change, bribery, affordable housing, and social justice. Their capability for political conversation, challenging prevailing convention, and pressuring their members of parliament to take more responsibility, can lead to deciding factors in election results and government policy that bring political parties to listen to them or risk the loss of their vote. A number of socio-economic issues will most probably determine the political decisions of Sarawak and Sabah young voters in the next state and parliamentary elections. These are such issues as access to education, jobs, and availability of houses at affordable prices that usually take precedence over conventional political loyalties. Local issues such as infrastructure and connectivity for less accessible areas, conservation of environment, and safeguarding local rights and customs are also given priority at the highest level. Responsiveness and sensitivity of political parties to such local issues do count. In addition, web literacy and online exposure to counter-arguments on the Internet make youth voters more informed, and perhaps, more critical of hegemonic discourses. They are also attracted to parties that promise new solutions, struggle with openness and responsibility, and demonstrate sincere commitment to putting their interests into practice under a desired government – one that is functional and inclusive. The choices that they will make will ultimately be based on a sophisticated combination of rational calculation, emotional identification, and the appeal of campaign rhetoric. The number of young voters is growing and they have the potential to tip the scales in key urban seats. Demographic shift The rising number of young voters represents a significant demographic shift with the potential to reshape electoral outcomes, particularly in densely-populated urban areas. This is true in Sabah as it is Sarawak, and this is becoming a growing definer of political trends in both states. Past younger generations have always registered lower voting turnout than the elderly folks. More recently, there have been tendencies toward greater youth participation in the political process. Climate change, economic disparity and social justice are among the drivers motivating these younger generations to become progressively more aware of politics and eager to vote. In the urban areas, where young adults are also concentrated by education and career prospects, their increased numbers can be a voting influence bloc. Their combined voice, if well mobilised, can influence elections and policy space towards responsive directions along their values and interests, even win close elections and push politicians to take up issues of this generation. Maybe a comparative study of the potential impact of the growing number of young, educated and affluent voters across the vast expanse of the political space in both states is worth an effort to pursue. Why? In order to have a clearer vision of the politics of the future, we need more critical and refined discussions of what the young generations politically see and believe. We need to move beyond observing how much they are involved or claiming to hold which beliefs and critically examine what lies beneath to shape their attitudes, motivations, and levels of engagement. We need to peer deeper than surface knowledge and explore the complexities of how they interact with political regimes, institutions, and actors. * Toman Mamora is 'Tokoh Media Sarawak 2022', recipient of Shell Journalism Gold Award (1996) and AZAM Best Writer Gold Award (1998). He remains true to his decades-long passion for critical writing as he seeks to gain insight into some untold stories of societal value. borneo diversity politics sabah sarawak
